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230  Globalization and Democracy


                        claim that it effectively threatens rather than strengthens democracy in

                        South Africa, by overruling decisions that reflected the people ’ s will, and
                        also by discouraging investment in impoverished states that may have
                        less than perfect human rights records but which nevertheless need devel-
                        opment (Joseph,  2004 ).
                            There is a danger that, precisely because campaigns underpinned by
                        the principle of conditional globalization target over - represented and
                        over - developed internationalizing states, they risk losing touch with those
                        they are supposed to be helping to strengthen their democratic voices in
                        developing countries. They may become insular, focused on their own
                        activities, and neglect building strong transnational networks with people
                        in the places they are targeting. In this way, there is always the risk that
                        such campaigns may not improve, they may actually worsen, democratic
                        conditions in other states. As the Make Poverty History campaign became
                        more popular in the UK, for example, it certainly lost touch with trans-
                        national networks established largely through churches and unions in
                        Africa on which GCAAP was building. Although the campaign did educate
                        large numbers of people in issues of global political economy concerning
                        aid, trade, and debt relief in Europe and North America, these voices were
                        not heard at all in the mainstream media during the campaign. In fact,
                        the representations of those the campaign was supposed to help were
                        patronizing and self - absorbed (Stevenson,  1999, 2007 ).
                            Even more problematically, however, neither the GCAAP demands, nor
                        those of ATTAC have made much progress at all as a result of these
                        campaigns. Some argue that this is because it is na ï ve to expect wealthy,

                        large states to give up the benefits of their over - representation in IGOs to
                        smaller, poorer states (Monbiot,  2005 ). However, any campaign to
                        democratize international structures would be faced with the same
                        problem: how could some kind of international democracy possibly be
                        achieved except by privileged states giving up at least some of their privi-
                        leges? In this sense, Make Poverty History activists are correct to say that

                        persuading those who profit from the misery of others to stop is like trying
                        to abolish slavery or to end apartheid. Campaigns for global democratiza-
                        tion can only ever be effective by putting pressure on the strongest and
                        wealthiest states in international political institutions. The principle of
                        conditional globalization involves working through the electorates of
                        these states to prevent or reverse international policies that make post -
                          colonial states less democratically accountable to their citizens. It is surely
                        a promising strategy in terms of democratic legitimacy. How successful
                        it may be in practice is another question.
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