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232  Globalization and Democracy


                        themselves cross these boundaries, as do the ideas and innovative ways
                        of seeing the world that they circulate, and put into circulation. Social
                        movements persuade by forming  “ publics, ”  problematizing taken - for -
                          granted ways in which social interactions have been routinized, and
                        developing new knowledges and alternatives through discussion and
                        debate. They are counter - publics in the sense that they formulate oppo-
                        sitional discourses and forms of organization, and they expand the space
                        for certain kinds of thinking and discussion in the mainstream media. The
                        counter - publics created by social movements never conform to the ideal
                        requirements of deliberative democracy. They are always fragmented,
                        they are often stimulated by unreasonable voices and immoderate emo-
                        tions, and they are not contained by the spaces of civil society. Insofar as
                        social movements almost invariably target states in at least some ways,
                        to make use of their special privileges to make law backed by force and/
                        or to redistribute wealth, counter - publics may be thought of, along the
                        lines suggested by Nancy Fraser, as  “ strong ”  where their networks extend

                        into state offices, in comparison with  “ weak ”  counter - publics that are
                        networked only in civil society (Fraser,  1997 ). In respect of their  “ strong ”
                        networks, social movements always risk cooption by professional political
                        parties and NGOs, and indeed, this is regularly their trajectory: beginning
                        with grassroots mobilizations, they develop through a cycle of protest,
                        and leave behind them a legacy of organizations that have taken on some
                        of the movement tasks of agitating for reform through policy and legisla-
                        tion (Tarrow,  1998 ). Invariably, however, past the high point of a cycle
                        of protest, social movements also leave behind less visible social move-
                        ment networks that maintain a counter - public sphere outside mainstream
                        political institutions. Perhaps most importantly, they transform social life

                        and leave behind a significantly changed cultural context in which new
                        issues are raised, debated, and addressed.
                            This continuing legacy is nowhere more evident than in the effects of
                        the women ’ s movement. Feminism has had comparatively little  direct
                        effect on state policies in Western liberal democracies (with the notable
                        exception of Scandinavia), though it has resulted in a plethora of NGOs
                        and made inroads into all the major political parties. The various waves
                        of the women ’ s movement have left legacies of organizations in main-
                        stream politics that try to keep reform of those institutions  “ live. ”  But it
                        is in terms of altering identities and routines of daily life that the move-
                        ment has been most effective. Although it is hard to pin down precisely
                        what effects the women ’ s movement has had, as distinct from the other
                        changes in society that have impacted on our lives, it is only necessary to
                        look at films, books, and TV programs from the 1960s  –  and to remember
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