Page 274 - Cultural Theory

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••• Cultural Citizenship •••

become concerned as to the effects consumerism is having upon the distribution of
goods, how excluded groups are represented in tabloid newspapers, or levels of eco-
logical and environmental destruction, but this is only made possible due to the fact
that they have already been raised as political/moral issues. In other words, no mat-
ter how pleasurable and ethically complex, shopping cannot replace the dimensions
of citizenship. Indeed such an argument in the current climate is not only dangerous
but highly irresponsible. While shoppers are invited to buy or boycott a particular
product, citizens should seek to raise questions as to the political context of produc-
tion and consumption. Participatory notions of citizenship will seek to politicise and
thereby transform the horizons of consumers/citizens through shared processes of
deliberation. Citizenship, by giving voice to a diversity of concerns, seeks to modify
the identities of those participating within a common dialogue (Mouffe 1993). This
moves the focus of attention away from our relationship with sets of products while
seeking to politicise diverse global networks of production and consumption. Such a
logic is poorly captured by our ability to say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to consumer products.
Further, if our politics is purely based around shopping then this can only further
benefit the already rich and powerful. Firstly, such a vision suggests that democrac-
tic politics is no longer able to offer any protection against the market, which it was
able to do over the course of the twentieth century with the setting up of the welfare
state. Secondly, to base politics around purchasing decisions obviously privileges
those with most money and power. We obviously need to be careful to deconstruct
overly masculinist assumptions in respect of consumption, however, this should not
be allowed to end with the cancellation of meaningful forms of politics.

Questions of Cultural Capital

The problem with the discussion so far is that our analysis of culture has been pre-
occupied with either the production or reception of commodity culture. Those who
are concerned that the market will convert citizens into consumers had little to con-
tribute on the reception of culture, whereas those who highlight the aesthetics of
reception tend to neglect production side questions (Lash 1993). By far the most
sophisticated attempt to link these questions while offering an understanding of cul-
ture and consumption that is linked to frameworks of power and domination is
offered by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. In the context of our discussion,
Bourdieu’s (1984) key insight is what he calls the arbitrariness of culture. By this he
means that there is no intrinsic reason why upper class tastes, aesthetic preferences
and cultural judgments should be taken as indicative of high culture. That is the love
of abstract art, classical music and other cultural styles function as a form of social
distinction. What a society takes to be innovative, creative and culturally valuable is
largely determined by the social structure. Hence, apparently disinterested practices
like the appreciation of a fine wine, a visit to an art gallery or indeed a preference for
Stravinsky over Chopin are used to gain what Bourdieu calls cultural capital.

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