Page 203 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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AN INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

            case in deceptively simple and compelling terms, the Soviet
            government hid behind a veil of defensiveness and secrecy. Soviet
            accounts of events such as the KAL 007 disaster or the war in
            Afghanistan were never effectively communicated on the
            international stage. If the 1980s were years of sustained propaganda
            warfare between NATO and the Warsaw Pact, in which
            international public opinion was the prize to be won, the USSR
            fought with two hands tied behind its back. Only when Mikhail
            Gorbachev came to power, armed with an appreciation of news
            management and public relations techniques, did the Soviet position
            on events and issues begin to emerge with some accuracy in the
            Western media. At the Reykjavik summit of 1988, for example, the
            Soviet side supplied a news-hungry media with a rich diet of briefings
            (on and off the record) and photo-opportunities. Raisa Gorbachev
            made herself available for the cameras, while at the end of the
            summit her husband mounted a two-hour  tour de force news
            conference for the assembled media. Reagan, by contrast, appeared
            hesitant and ill-briefed (McNair, 1991).
              The years between 1985 and 1991, when Gorbachov led the Soviet
            Union, illustrate the fact that source strategies are of profound
            importance in political communication. As the previous chapter
            argued, the Western media, by virtue of their dependence on sources
            and attraction to certain types of news material, will provide spaces
            for views not those of the ‘ruling elite’ to be reported. While the pro-
            establishment biases of the media as a whole are amply documented,
            Gorbachov’s successful advocacy of the Soviet perspective in the years
            of perestroika provide further evidence of the potential of skilful
            public relations in challenging these biases. It hardly seems an
            exaggeration to state that the end of the ‘new Cold War’, and decades
            of East-West tension, were greatly facilitated by the source strategies
            of Gorbachov and his media advisers and spokespersons. The changes
            in presentation were accompanied, of course, by major developments
            in Soviet foreign and domestic policy, which might have rendered
            the ‘Soviet threat’ concept untenable in any case. Of major
            importance, however, is the fact that Gorbachov, as the public face
            of the Soviet Union during these years, effectively communicated to
            the world a vision of Soviet society, and an account of Soviet
            government policy, which undermined the Cold War propaganda of
            the NATO allies and eventually made it appear anachronistic. In
            this sense, one might say, skilful political communication brought an
            end to the Cold War.



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