Page 73 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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AN INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

              For Fiske, such journalism is to be welcomed in so far as it
            produces a ‘disbelieving’ citizen, exposing suppressed official
            information and discrediting establishment shibolleths. ‘The tabloid
            press [and increasingly, as noted above, tabloid television] constantly
            attempts to incorporate popular tones of voice and popular stances
            towards official knowledge…this informed popular scepticism can
            be, if all too rarely, turned towards events in the public, political
            sphere’ (1992, p.61).
              Fiske goes further, asserting that popular journalism is more honest,
            less reactionary and more relevant to the world in which most citizens
            live than the ‘quality’ journalism regarded as superior by the majority
            of liberal commentators. For Fiske, the collision between commercial
            necessity and popular rhetoric creates a space where significant
            political criticism and dissent can surface. The existence of this space
            is independent of the ‘official’ political complexion of a media
            organisation. A good example of this phenomenon was the monarchy
            debate referred to in Chapter 1. Presented by Trevor McDonald, one
            of ITN’s most conservative and reverential broadcasters, and
            broadcast at peak-time on the main commercial channel, the
            programme was at times fiercely anti-royal, as the following angry
            statement by one member of the participating audience shows:

                 The Queen is…the richest woman in the world. She is
                 the head of a rotten, class-ridden, corrupt political and
                 social establishment which is directly responsible for this
                 nation’s terrible decline.

            Carlton TV, which produced the debate, was no hotbed of political
            subversion, but in giving space to popular feelings about the monarchy
            (and there were pro-monarchy statements too), in what was
            undoubtedly a commercially-driven search for high audience ratings,
            a kind of subversion was the result.
              For other observers, however, the fact that the popular media,
            and newspapers in particular, do have political allegiances, is more
            important to an understanding of their democratic function than
            any acknowledgement, no matter how generous, of their anti-
            establishment content. We have already seen that in a capitalist society
            such as Britain, the press are permitted to have opinions and are
            expected to express them. In a pluralist democracy, ideally, those
            opinions should reflect the structure of partisanship in the society as
            a whole, serving diversity and promoting rational debate, in the public
            interest, between distinct viewpoints. Historically, of course, the great

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