Page 91 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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AN INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

            always subject to challenge and revision, the dominant framework,
            once established, provides the structure within which subsequent
            events are allocated news value, reported, and made sense of.
              For example, the dominant narrative framework for making sense
            of events within the British Conservative Party, following the 1992
            election, can be expressed in terms of a ‘leadership crisis’. Political
            journalists—encouraged by Thatcherite elements in the Conservative
            Party, resentful of their leader’s abrupt dismissal from office—told a
            continuing story of John Major’s buffeting by the harsh winds of
            political misfortune. The ‘story’ of the Labour Party over the same
            period, on the other hand, was the relatively positive one of
            modernisation and renewal. When Labour leader John Smith died
            suddenly on May 12, 1994, media coverage of his success in
            transforming the party’s image and improving its ‘electability’ was
            uniformly positive. Tony Blair’s election as Labour leader on July 21
            that year took place in an atmosphere of euphoric endorsement of
            his abilities, shared even by such formerly right-wing organs as the
            London Evening Standard. Journalists also appreciated New Labour’s
            skill in public relations and news management, and the invincibility
            of Labour’s ‘spin doctors’ (see Chapter 7) became a powerful narrative
            framework in the media’s making sense of Labour’s transition to an
            electable government. The Conservatives, meanwhile, were dogged
            from 1994 onwards not only by having all that they said and did
            interpreted as part of the ongoing leadership crisis, but by the
            developing narrative of sleaze, which added corruption and moral
            hypocrisy to the party’s perceived problems. From ‘leadership crisis’
            the dominant framework for making sense of the Conservatives
            developed into one of decay, decline and imminent defeat. So powerful
            did this framework become as a journalistic structuring device that
            nothing the party leadership could do to highlight the strengths of
            the economy (and when the Tories left office in 1997 the economy
            was performing exceptionally well by British standards) could
            undermine it.


                                   THE PRESS


            The press and broadcast media, by the nature of their functioning
            and role, employ different modes of intervention in politics. The
            former, as we have seen, have always been more overtly partisan in
            their approach to political affairs, perceiving their role as very much
            that of opinion-articulation. At election time the views expressed

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