Page 142 - An Introduction to Political Communication Third Edition
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ADVERTISING

                 On  a  television  discussion  of  political  advertising  produced  in
               1989,  presenter  Michael  Ignatieff  and  then  Labour  Director  of
               Communications Peter Mandelson looked back at the amateurish-
               ness  and  clumsiness  of  the  campaign  with  barely  suppressed
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               disbelief and mockery. But the party leadership’s approach to the
               agency and the management of its own campaign (see next chapter)
               were equally lacking in skill.
                 The transformation in the Labour Party’s approach to advertising,
               which  by  the  1987  election  saw  them  being  widely  praised  for
               having the best campaign, was provoked first and most obviously
               by  the  uniquely  poor  result  of  the  1983  election.  The  party  in
               Parliament  was  reduced  to  209  MPs,  with  even  that  number
               reflecting  a  significant  over-representation  of  its  voting  perform-
               ance, thanks to the British first-past-the-post electoral system.
                 There  can  be  little  doubt  that  after  the  1983  election  Labour
               was facing the loss of its post-war status as the junior partner in a
               two-party system, and along with it any realistic hope of access to
               government. Clearly, something had to be done to half the decline.
               A change in approach was further encouraged by the experience of
               the Labour-controlled Greater London Council in its struggle with
               the Thatcher government.
                 In 1983 the abolition of the GLC was announced by a govern-
               ment which detested the thought of this nest of ‘Reds under the
               beds’ running the capital city. Led by Ken Livingstone, the GLC was
               unmistakably  ‘hard  Left’,  promoting  and  implementing  a  wide
               range of progressive, socialist-inspired programmes, such as cheap
               fares on public transport, anti-sexism and anti-racism in schools,
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               and  public  services  for  gay,  ethnic  and  other  minorities. While
               in  these  terms  ‘Left’,  the  GLC  administration  differed  from  the
               traditionalists in the Labour Party in understanding the role which
               advertising could play in their campaign against abolition.
                 London  was  essentially  a  Conservative  heartland,  and  the
               GLC  the  archetypal  ‘loony  Left’.  Livingstone  and  his  colleagues
               appreciated that the battle with the government could not be won
               by the Left’s preferred tactics of public demonstrations and rallies.
               Consequently, the GLC hired the agency Boas, Massimi and Pollitt
               (BMP),  who  had  worked  for  unions  and  local  governments  but
               were primarily a commercial organisation. For BMP, in the words
               of  its  accounts  director  Peter  Herd,  ‘developing  advertising  in  a
               political context is just the same as developing it in a commercial
               context. You find out what it is you can reasonably achieve, who
               you will have to persuade in order to do that, and then research to


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