Page 188 - An Introduction to Political Communication Third Edition
P. 188

PRESSURE-GROUP POLITICS

                 Such an approach asserts that there is no single ‘primary definition’
               of an event or an issue circulating in the public sphere at any given
               time.  Rather,  there  is  a  multiplicity  of  definitions,  reflecting  the
               interests of various collectivities, within and outside the ‘establish-
               ment’. While one definition may be dominant at a particular time,
               challenges will continually be mounted as opposition groups seek
               to  advance  the  alternative  definitions.  Structures  of  access  to
               the  media,  through  which  the  struggle  for  definitional  primacy
               principally takes place, are not rigid but flexible, and capable of
               accommodating,  even  under  certain  circumstances  welcoming,
               challenges  to  the  establishment;  such  flexibility  is,  indeed,  an
               integral legitimating feature of the media in a liberal democracy.
                 As  we  noted  in  Chapter  4,  the  continuing  credibility  of  the
               media’s fourth-estate role requires, in conditions of liberal democ-
               racy,  the  maintenance  of  journalists’  ‘relative  autonomy’  from
               power elites. While we may readily agree that the majority of the
               media in capitalist societies are, for economic, organisational and
               ideological reasons, predisposed to certain sources and viewpoints
               over  others,  we  must  acknowledge  too  that  media  organisations
               have  their  own  institutional  interests  to  pursue,  which  include
               being  seen to  be  independent  and  objective  and,  in  most  cases,
               competitive and profitable. These imperatives create opportunities
               for non-elite groups to gain access to mainstream media.
                 The  question  thus  arises:  what  are  the  conditions  in  which
               marginalised  political  actors,  aspiring  to  participate  in  public
               debate around an issue or to put an issue on the media’s and the
               public’s agenda, can maximise their ‘definitional power’ and pursue
               their political objectives? We must acknowledge at the outset that
               access to the media for a particular source is never completely open,
               but rather is dependent on such factors as the degree of institution-
               alisation accruing to that source, its financial resources, its ‘cultural
               capital’  or  status,  and  the  extent  of  its  entrepreneurship  and
               innovation in media management. In 1978, Hall et al. argued that

                  if  the  tendency  towards  ideological  closure  [in  news
                  media] is maintained by the way the different apparatuses
                  are  structurally  linked  so  as  to  promote  the  dominant
                  definitions of events, then the counter-tendency must also
                  depend on the existence of organised and articulate sources
                  which  generate  counter-definitions  of  the  situation.  This
                  depends  to  some  degree  on  whether  the  collectivity
                  which generates counter-ideologies and explanations is a


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