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0  |  Women’s Magaz nes


                Men’s Magazines
                Do men’s magazines construct their readers as helpless consumers of products that express
                their identity? Initially, all magazines were men’s magazines; they presumed a male reader.
                Differentiation was by class, not gender, and the “gentleman’s magazine” denoted a more
                sophisticated and cultured audience. The rise of mass-market, advertising-based magazines
                problematized the upper-class gentlemen. Suddenly, he seemed a fop, a dandy, and as con-
                sumerism was coded as feminine, men’s magazines began to emerge as a distinct genre. In
                the twentieth century, anticonsumerist, working-class masculinity found outlets in hypermas-
                culine titles like True or Argosy, while publishers rescued the gentleman’s magazine by mas-
                culinizing consumption. “Girly” magazines like Playboy or Penthouse used buxom women’s
                bodies to naturalize male consumption and avoid the taint of homosexuality. Recent men’s
                magazines,  including  Maxim,  Details,  FHM,  and  Stuff  attempt  to  fuse  these  class-based
                strategies, with depictions of rough-hewn athletic manhood next to scantily clad women
                and high-end consumer goods. And while some scholars suggest engaging men as self-
                objectified consumers reinforces traditional gender inequalities, others observe a liberatory
                expression of a more refined masculine sensibility.



                       academic disciplines, and are also articulated, in updated form, in the contem-
                       porary media itself. Naomi Wolf’s best-seller, The Beauty Myth, for example, ar-
                       gues that the gaunt, youthful model supplanted the happy housewife heroine as
                       the new arbiter of successful womanhood, taking over the work of social coer-
                       cion in an effort to undo the progress feminism had accomplished.
                          At the same time, other critics have seen women’s magazines as excessively
                       progressive. A study by the conservative Media Research Center in the mid-
                       1990s concluded that women’s magazines are left-wing playbooks for liberal ac-
                       tivism. Christina Hoff Sommers, writing in the Washington Post, accused top
                       titles including Redbook, Mademoiselle, Good Housekeeping, and Parenting of
                       advancing  feminist  “Ms.-information.”  Soon  Danielle  Crittenden’s  What  Our
                       Mothers Didn’t Tell Us and Wendy Shalit’s A Return to Modesty explicitly allied
                       women’s  magazines  with  the  feminist  movement,  and  blamed  magazines  for
                       leading women away from their true pursuit of happiness—domesticity.
                          A third group of critics assumes both these lines of argument are accurate,
                       and that is the problem. They complain that women’s magazines argue both
                       for and against sexual freedom, careerism, financial independence, couplehood,
                       and the thinness ideal. With so many competing ideas all under the same roof,
                       how is a reader to avoid a sense of frantic confusion and anxiety about how to
                       add it all up right?

                          “PoLyvoCaLiTy”: PsyChiC TraP or LiBEraTing ChoiCE?

                          Women’s magazines exhibit what media theorists call “polyvocality”—a mes-
                       sage that contains many voices. In fact, multiple messaging is a structural hall-
                       mark of the American magazine from its rise in the early republic.
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