Page 35 - Encyclopedia Of World History Vol IV

1336 berkshire encyclopedia of world history

Tolstoy: Holy Moscow

The Napoleonic Empire extended its reign over
most of Europe by the end of the first decade of the
nineteenth century. In 1812, however, Napoleon’s a near literal sense of its national identity. Typically
armies, mired in the legendary Russian winter that (though not universally), the national culture is based on
has stopped more than one invading army, were a common written language, and members of the nation
repelled by the Russians, who saved “Holy Mos- are able to communicate with each other through that
cow,” as the great Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy put language. The culture is also egalitarian: as Benedict
in one of literature’s classics, War and Peace. Anderson (1991, 20) put it, the nation is “always con-
ceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship.” This is, of
Every Russian, looking at Moscow, feels that she
course, compatible with considerable inequality of
is his mother; every foreigner, looking on her,
wealth, power, and prestige. The nation is like the God
even though he cannot appreciate this feeling for
of the great monotheistic religions: all are equal in the
the motherhood of the city, must feel the femi-
eyes of the nation, if in nothing else. However, insofar as
nine character of this city, and Napoleon felt it.
the nation is conceived as the basis of legitimate politi-
“Cette ville asiatique aux innombrables églises,
cal rule, nationalism is a populist doctrine: sovereignty
Moscou la Sainte. La voilá donc enfin cette fam-
is located in the people.
euse ville! Il était temps. —There she is at last,
this Asiatic city with its numberless churches,
The Origins of Nationalism
Holy Moscow. It was time!” said Napoleon, and,
Nationalism is the doctrine that a community, united by
dismounting, he commanded to have spread be-
land, history, and language, has a claim to political
fore him the plan of that Moscow, —and he had
recognition. The more visible nationalist movements of
his interpreter, Lelorme d’Ideville, summoned.
the nineteenth century—those of Germany, Italy, Greece,
“Une ville occupée par l’ennemi ressemble à
Poland, and many others—sought to remake political
une fille qui a perdu son honneur,” he said to him-
borders so that they would correspond to the aspirations
self, repeating the remark that he had made to
of the nations they claimed to represent. However, it is
Tutchkof at Smolensk. And it was as a “deflow-
possible to recognize earlier, less strident versions. Eng-
ered virgin” that he looked on this Oriental
lish borders were, more or less, secure by the sixteenth
beauty, never been before seen by him, now lying
century; they were extended by the incorporation of
prone at his feet. Strange it was to himself that at
Scotland in 1706. (The attempt to include Ireland was
last his long desire, which had seemed impossi-
much less successful.) A conception of England, involv-
ble, was to be gratified. In the clear morning
ing landscape (“this scepter’d isle”), religion (Protes-
light, he contemplated now the city and then the
tantism), history, mythology (Edmund Spenser’s Faerie
plan, and studied the characteristics of this city,
Queene was important), a cast of characters (the English
and the certainty that he should possess it ex-
yeoman, the squire), a literary tradition, even special modes
cited him and filled him with awe.
of warfare (the long bow), had begun to play an impor-
“Could it have been otherwise?” he asked him-
tant role in public discourse in the sixteenth century.
self. “Here she is—this capital at my feet, await-
When England and Scotland formed Great Britain it
ing her fate.Where now is Alexander, and what
formed an unusual, but not unique, multinational nation
thinks he now? Strange, beautiful, magnificent
(Canada and the old Soviet Union are other examples).
city! And how strange and splendid this moment!”
While England and Scotland could continue to celebrate
Source: Tolstoy, L. (1899). War and Peace (pp. 79-80). New York: Thomas Y.
Cromwell & Co. their distinct national identities—though a strong case
has been made by Hugh Trevor-Roper, in Hobsbawm
and Ranger (1983), that Scottish national identity was