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76  X. TONG

              Although junk market operators rented land from local villagers, its use
            for waste markets and workshops was formally illegal. According to the
            Chinese Land Administration Law, rural land cannot be developed for
            activities other than agriculture without previous expropriation by the
            Municipal government and a change in its function to urban status. Again,
            in 2011, demolition came to Dongxiaokou. However, this time the scav-
            engers attracted support from a local NGO, which raises public awareness
            of their marginal and unequal status pointing out that while they provided
            low cost recycling services to the city they could hardly get a place of their
            own for living. Partly due to their efforts, some of the junk markets were
            temporarily reserved and the local government promised to provide
            another place to accommodate those migrant workers.


                                  Social Restructuring
            The spatial shifts of waste villages in the Beijing metropolitan area were
            accompanied by a social restructuring within the floating scavenger pop-
            ulation, which Tang and Feng (2000) have described in detail. Their study
            focuses on the social relations and mobility of migrant scavengers in Bajia
            after their migration from their rural hometowns during the 1980s and
            1990s. They highlight the way that the transition from a planned to a
            market economy created a disjunction between rural and urban societies,
            and an occupational stratification between urban and rural workers, which
            eventually resulted in discrimination against rural migrant workers without
            technical skills or business capital who were often relegated to the rank of
            ‘underclass’ citizens. Faced with this situation, they argue, migrant workers
            took to rag picking as a way of working in Beijing without social or eco-
            nomic resources. However, as Tang and Feng (2000) also point out, a
            significant stratification also appeared among scavengers rooted in a
            hangover from the administrative structure of the former central planned
            recycling system, which was in place before the market transition of the
            1980s.
              Established in 1965, Beijing had a three-level collection and recycling
            scheme. The whole system was under the control of only one state-owned
            enterprise. This used to manage sites and stations according to economies
            of scale. Recyclable products were collected from households and firms
            through different channels, thanks to an advanced multi-site network based
            in both streets and local communities. Collected waste was then shipped to
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