Page 147 - Communication Theory and Research

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132 Communication Theory & Research
Introductory patterns

One discursive mechanism through which Four Mothers members have been
delegitimized in newspaper reports is through their presentation in dependency
roles as mothers, devoid of professional titles and credentials, as has been
recorded in previous research (Ariel, 1988; Lemish and Tidhar, 1991; Tidhar and
Lemish, 1993). Most journalists reported on the activists by specifying their
names, their place of residence (close to the Lebanese border) and the fact that
they are mothers of combat soldiers. Rarely is there a reference to their profession
or to their education. The reduction to their roles as mothers is in sharp contrast
to the treatment of men joining the movement. [...]
An additional aspect of this pattern is the personal nature of the typical
journalist interview, approaching the activists on a first name basis, stripping
them of their titles and framing the discourse as a personal, informal exchange
perceived appropriate in female discourse. This is in sharp contrast to the form
of approach reported in interviews with men in relation to the movement and its
activities.

Compartmentalization

Analysis of the various news items suggests that there is a strategy of
compartmentalization in reports on Four Mothers in local newspapers, as well
as within magazine sections of the major newspapers. It is characterized with a
more ‘human interest’ and soft gossip type journalism than the reporting of hard
news of central importance to society. This discursive strategy, common in the
coverage of women politicians in Israel (Herzog, 1999) as well as elsewhere
(Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991; Norris, 1997; Sapiro, 1993), serves to frame the
movement within the private sphere, and to marginalize its calling.
This tendency is highlighted by the fact that the movement finds its way to the
front pages mostly on those occasions when Four Mothers react to injury or to
the death of soldiers, or when a prominent male leader (or the ‘wife of’ one) joins
their protest. This was clearly expressed in interviews with members of the
movement, as one activist attested:

What happens now with the media is that the minute a soldier gets killed in
Lebanon, they call us immediately and want an interview. But we don’t
want to be associated with a movement that wakes up only at times of
bereavement ... because we are active all the time, but that is when the
media seek us out. ... People who are against us conceptually say: ‘They are
mothers, and that’s the way mothers feel and that’s why they act like this’.
That’s why we often feel that we need the assistance of a military man,
because it is very important to have someone that is perceived to
understand what he is talking about. That’s the kind of perception we have
in this country. (Horovitz, interview, 10 November 1998)