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                  The Mythology about Globalization                                     31

                  Eliade (1968), appeal to our primitive longings for cyclical regeneration and new
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                  beginnings. [...]


                  The Myth of ‘Democracy for Export via American TV’

                  ‘Democracy for Export’ is an old myth that displays uniformity over space, time
                  and sacred belief. That is to say, ‘Democracy for Export via American TV’ is a
                  recycled version of seasoned ideas about the power of the mass media to influ-
                  ence public opinion with respect to political ends. Accordingly, it updates the
                  technology but not the premise about direct media ‘effects’. 14
                    These ideas resurfaced in a US Department of Commerce inquiry into the
                  globalization of mass media firms (Obuchowski, 1990); the document, whose
                  economic aims are to expand US audiovisual trade competitiveness and domi-
                  nance, also envisages a politico-cultural agenda. The latter surfaces in assump-
                  tions about the effectiveness of US film and television products as exporters of
                  US values and ‘democratic ideals’, notions premised on assumptions that global
                  media can play ‘an increasingly significant role in promoting free speech and
                  fostering demands for democratic reforms internationally’ (Obuchowski, 1990: 7).
                  (A view that gains popular credence everytime CNN is cited as the lingua
                  franca of the video era by political leaders on the world stage and their media
                  watchers.)
                    What this conflation of politics and economy presents, then, is ‘Democracy for
                  Export via American TV’, a highly functional set of ideas for the US film and tele-
                  vision industries (and the US President’s own personal worldview, see next
                  section). Moreover, the benign view of media products as vehicles of political
                  enlightenment stresses their potential for political persuasion (e.g. abandoning
                  communism for democracy) over their potential for cultural dislocation (e.g.
                  emphasizing individualism over collectivism). [...]




                  The Myth of ‘The New World Order’

                  This, the most recent addition to globalization’s mythology, demonstrates how
                  new myths arise and old ones reappear or adapt in response to changing condi-
                  tions. From the US President’s first call for a ‘New World Order’ (NWO) during
                  the Gulf War, this myth’s core ideas have offered mixed messages, few of them
                  clear. Therefore, we may usefully distinguish between ‘world order’ as the
                  creation of order in the world and as an ordering of the world (according to a
                  particular set of ideological conditions or economic practices). Both meanings
                  are conflated in this myth and its ongoing revision.
                    Also evident from the outset was that even if the purported purposes were
                  global, the authorship was American, and that here was an unclear vision of a
                  New Jerusalem of world political power premised on the demise of communism
                  and the triumph of capitalism. Before the mirage was fully formed, however,
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