Page 15 - Communication and Citizenship Journalism and the Public Sphere
P. 15

4 COMMUNICATION AND CITIZENSHIP

            doctrine and the social inequalities generated by market relations, a state
            of affairs still very much with us today.
              Despite these restrictions on full participation in the public sphere, by
            the mid-nineteenth century when  laissez-faire capitalism was at  its
            height, liberal philosophers like Mill and De Tocqueville were already
            arguing for the delimitation of the status, role and power of what had
            come to be called public opinion. They  clearly saw dangerous
            possibilities  to the  prevailing social order if power was  to  be  truly
            subordinate to  popular will.  But it was not so much philosophical
            arguments per se which began the disintegration of the bourgeois public
            sphere, but  rather the rapid social  developments which  altered  its
            conditions  and premises. In  the latter half  of the nineteenth century,
            industrialization, urbanization, the growth of literacy and the popular
            press,  and  not least the rise  of the administrative  and  interventionist
            state all contributed in various ways to its decline. The consequences of
            these developments included a blurring of the distinctions between
            public and private in political and economic affairs, a rationalization
            and shrinking of the private intimate sphere  (family life) and the
            gradual shift from an  (albeit limited) public of political  and cultural
            debaters to a mass public of consumers.
              With the emergence of  the  welfare state  in the twentieth  century
            Habermas notes the further transformations  of the  public sphere.
            Journalism’s critical role in the wake of advertising, entertainment and
            public relations becomes muted. Public opinion is no longer a process
            of rational discourse but the result of publicity and social engineering in
            the media. At this point in Habermas’s narrative the Anglo-American
            reader begins to recognize more familiar intellectual landscape. Indeed,
            in  the last  sections of the  book Habermas  uses  ideas from  such
            innovative books from the 1950s as Riesman’s The Lonely Crowd and
            Whyte’s The Organization Man to support his arguments. In the last
            two  pages of the text  Habermas cites and discusses C.W.Mills’s
            distinction (found in his The Power Elite) between ‘public’ and ‘mass’
            to highlight his own position. Here we find a helpful bridge. From
            Mills’s analysis of power relations in mid-century USA the reader can
            then, with whatever modifications may seem necessary, connect with
            the various strands of media research which have come to the fore over
            the past two decades. And the connections are by no means limited to
            research with a neo-marxian profile: a book such as Postman’s (1986)
            echoes many of Habermas’s arguments.
              Habermas’s analysis is truly ambitious and largely compelling, yet
            there remain some areas of difficulty. It might be argued that he doubly
   10   11   12   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   20