Page 253 - Comparing Media Systems THREE MODELS OF MEDIA AND POLITICS
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                                           The North Atlantic or Liberal Model

                              noted, was far higher than other countries, probably a reflection of the
                              fact that it shares with the United States the status of a world power,
                              but has a more centralized state and lacks the constitutional limits on
                              government censorship present in the United States. Clearly the fact that
                              the Liberal countries also are often world powers requires important
                              qualifications to the notion that the state plays a limited role in these
                              systems, as well as to the notion of the press as an independent “fourth
                              estate.”


                                            GOVERNANCE OF BROADCASTING

                              In contrast to continental European systems in which political pluralism
                              is assumed to require the “physical presence” of the parties in broad-
                              casting, the assumption in the Liberal system is that in order for the
                              broadcasting system to serve a pluralistic society, it must be separated
                              from party politics and managed by neutral professionals without party
                              ties. The BBC is the classic case of what we called in Chapter 2 the pro-
                              fessional model of broadcast governance. In its formal structure, it is re-
                              ally no different from government-controlled or parliamentary systems:
                              The director general and board of governors are appointed by the queen
                              in council – in effect by the prime minister, and by convention with
                              the consent of the opposition. A strong cultural norm has developed,
                              however, that the governors should be “remarkable men and women . . .
                              of the highest calibre,” chosen not as representatives of political parties
                              but of society as a whole, willing to uphold the independence of British
                              broadcasting against political pressure. Journalists, producers, and other
                              creative personnel are similarly chosen without regard to party ties, and
                              have considerable autonomy; as Jeremy Tunstall (1993) has argued, the
                              BBC has historically been a “producer-driven” enterprise.
                                Political pressures do certainly affect the BBC (Etzioni-Halevy 1987;
                              Curran and Seaton 1997). They were particularly marked during the
                              1980s, when Margaret Thatcher frequently clashed with the BBC, as
                              she did with local governments and other institutions that remained
                              outside of ministerial control. The sharpest conflict was the Real Lives
                              affair in 1985, in which the home secretary asked the BBC governors to
                              cancel a documentary on Northern Ireland that included an interview
                              with a Sinn Fein leader. The BBC governors cancelled the scheduled
                              broadcast of the program, a decision that provoked a twenty-four-hour
                              strike by BBC journalists; the program was later broadcast in modified
                              form. Tensions reemerged in 2003 as Tony Blair’s government attacked


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