Page 77 - Comparing Media Systems THREE MODELS OF MEDIA AND POLITICS
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                                          The Political Context of Media Systems

                              inconvenient regulations. This contributes to the phenomenon of
                              “savage deregulation” mentioned in Chapter 2, as regulatory authori-
                              ties are in many cases unsuccessful in enforcing broadcast regulation.
                              It also contributes to instrumentalization. The fact that laws are often
                              honored in the breach offers many opportunities and incentives for par-
                              ticularisticpressures.Politicianscanpressuremediaownersbyselectively
                              enforcing broadcasting, tax, and other laws. Media owners, and in some
                              cases perhaps prominent journalists as well, can exert pressures of their
                              own by threatening selectively to expose wrongdoing by public officials.
                                Clientelism is also associated with lower levels of professionalization
                              of journalism. Journalists tend to be integrated into clientelist networks,
                              andtheirtiestoparties,owners,orotherpatronsweakenprofessionalsol-
                              idarity. It is commonly noted in the literature on clientelism that it tends
                              tobreakdown“horizontal”formsofsocialorganization,andprofession-
                              alism is one such form. Because the political culture does not emphasize
                              the separation between the public good and particular interests, or the
                              following of abstract norms, the cultural basis for professionalization is
                              weaker. In this sense there is a connection between the fact that Italians
                              don’t wear seat belts, even though it is required by law, and the fact that
                              Italian journalists don’t follow journalistic codes of ethics, even though
                              their union did create one recently.
                                Clientelism, finally, is associated with private rather than public com-
                              munication patterns. The need of ordinary citizens for information
                              about public affairs is relatively small; as Piattoni (2001: 202) writes,
                              “Clientelism is ... simple: a vote for a benefit.” At the top, meanwhile,
                              the process of political communication tends to be closed: public hear-
                              ings and documents are less important to the political process, closed
                              negotiations among elites more so. Access of journalists to relevant po-
                              litical information is thus more dependent on their political ties, and it
                              is more likely that political communication will tend to serve the process
                              of negotiation among elites rather than providing information for the
                              mass public.


                                          MODERATE VS. POLARIZED PLURALISM

                              Another basic distinction in the field of comparative politics is between
                              moderate and polarized pluralism. In polarized pluralism, according to
                              Sartori (1976: 135) “cleavages are likely to be very deep ... consensus
                              is surely low, and ... the legitimacy of the political system is widely
                              questioned. Briefly put, we have polarization when we have ideological


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