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THE POLITICS OF POSTMODERNISM

            parochially American concerns, to the near exclusion of an equivalent
            consideration of the wider international system. A parallel weakness
            informs much of Baudrillard’s more naive enthusiasm for America:
            at the very moment when radical revisions of the European political
            map seem likely to effect an equally radical, and almost certainly
            irreversible, decentring of the political economy of the West away
            from the United States and towards a much more genuinely
            transnational homelessness, it seems utterly absurd (but also somehow
            utterly characteristic of much recent French thought) to declaim that
            “all the myths of modernity are American”. 75


                           The politics of postmodernism

            As we noted in Chapter 5, postmodernist culture is at once both
            incorporated and oppositional, commodified and subversive,
            commercial and utopian. The coexistence of these twin faces of
            postmodernism is not so much a feature of the sixties in particular as
            of the post-war period in general. It arises, moreover, not so much as
            the effect of a presence as that of an absence. Where Marxists have
            detected commodification and post-structuralists difference, we actually
            find both, connected to each other not by any positive content, such
            as the beneficence of the market, but by a negativity, that of the prior
            collapse of the high culture of the traditional intelligentsia. In itself
            this can easily be welcomed: neither traditional minority culture nor
            avant-garde modernism are in any obvious sense at all compatible
            with cultural democracy. But it remains an absence, or perhaps an
            opening, a space in which new options might be explored, others
            foreclosed, a problem rather than its resolution.
              When academic cultural theory bought into structuralism and post-
            structuralism, and into the radically “theoreticist” version of Marxism
            represented by Althusserianism, it effectively relinquished its more
            traditionally “culturalist” function of policing the boundaries of cultural
            authority. True, the relatively arcane language by which the manoeuvre
            was effected somewhat obscured its culturally populist import. But
            the import was real enough: the only boundaries academics police
            these days are those of critical rigour itself, their only sacred texts
            theoretical ones. At one level, all of this seems absolutely welcome.
            The old literary humanism had, by the time of its demise, ossified into


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