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170  Citizenship


                        under threat and has been outlawed in recent well - publicized court cases
                        involving selection for university places. For African - Americans in US, it
                        is individual rather than group - differentiated rights that are in the ascen-
                        dant (Omi and Winant,  1987 ).
                              “ Special rights ”  remain important, however, with regard to rights to
                        representation in the political process. Multiculturalists, like feminists, are
                        concerned with the way in which minority groups are under - represented
                        in the legislatures of Western liberal democracies. Claims for political
                        representation take different forms according to the group in question.
                        As Kymlicka notes, claims for political representation are not synonymous
                        with demands for self - government or for group - differentiated rights on
                        the grounds of cultural difference. It is rather that they involve giving
                        minorities a fair hearing in a situation in which their views would other-
                        wise be systematically ignored. This is consistent with liberal understand-
                        ings of democratic representation in which, as a bare minimum, it should
                        provide for the protection of individual interests. In a more elaborated
                        liberal version of democratic participation, political representation does
                        more than this, facilitating citizens ’  individual development in accordance
                        with their recognition of the common good. In either case, it is unfair that
                        individuals who are members of minority groups are not represented.
                        Increasingly group - differentiated political rights are an important issue in
                        multicultural liberal democracies.
                            In the US, the most prominent attempt to reform systematic imbalances
                        in representation has been  “ redistricting ”   –  redrawing the boundaries of
                        electoral districts to create black - majority or Hispanic - majority districts.
                        Ironically, however, although instituted as part of the campaign against
                        segregation, it is only effective insofar as residential segregation is the
                        reality. In response, the Supreme Court has ruled that redistricting involv-
                        ing  “ segregating ”  races for the purposes of voting is to be regarded with

                        suspicion. Like other affirmative action programs designed to redress
                        systematic disadvantage, it should be seen, Kymlicka  (1995)  argues, as a
                        temporary measure. In fact, it is reviewed regularly to assess how well it
                        is working and whether it is still required.
                            However, there are cases where societies seem to be divided more per-
                        manently along religious or cultural lines. In such cases, it may be argued
                        that requirements for group representation are not temporary. This is
                        clearly the case where there are claims for a degree of self - government,
                        as in federal systems, or where groups live on their own land, as Native
                        Americans do. In other cases, however, group political rights are designed
                        to accommodate differences within common decision - making procedures.
                        This is, for example, the case in what is known as  “ consociational
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