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Rhetoric                        59

                  was primarily understood as a discipline tied to the teaching of public
                  speaking, and its focus tended to be on the analysis of speeches removed
                  from their cultural and historical contexts. This changed in the 1970s and
                  1980s, due in large part to the emergence of television as a primary medium
                  of public discourse, the rise of grassroots political movements that repre-

                  sented the marginalized and the oppressed, and the influence of European
                  philosophers such as Mikhail Bakhtin, Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida,
                  and Paul de Man. This led a new generation of American rhetorical theo-
                  rists such as Lloyd Bitzer, Edwin Black, Wayne Booth, Michael McGee, and
                  Raymond McKerrow to start rethinking, among other things, the possibil-
                  ity or desirability of objective knowledge, the monolithic concept of the
                   “ the audience, ”  and the relation between language use and political power.

                  These scholars were among the first to work at the intersection of rhetorical
                  theory and cultural criticism, and to conceive of rhetoric theory as a valu-
                  able resource in the struggle for progressive social change.
                     Kenneth Burke was massively influential to the new rhetorical theorists.

                  A fundamental Burkean contribution to rhetorical studies was the move
                  away from the traditional association of rhetoric with acts of  persuasion ,
                  and toward the more elaborate idea of rhetoric as the process of  identifi ca-
                  tion , which is rooted in the notion of  substance . According to Burke, we
                  form our sense of selves by our identifications with various symbolic enti-

                  ties, which may include job titles, leisure activities, religious affi liations,
                  nationalities, and value systems. All of these symbols are in some respects
                  abstract ideas, yet they have a power to move bodies that is as real as air
                  or water, and must be understood to be equally substantial. As we identify
                  with these things, we become  consubstantial  with them  –  we share the same
                  substance. So, for instance, to be  “ American ”  is, in one sense, merely to
                  mentally associate with an idea that has no material foundation  –  there is
                  no physical property that makes one literally  American the way that a
                  certain genetic coding makes one human (of course, it can be argued that
                  even the connection between a genetic sequence and  “ humanness ”  is a
                  rhetorical construct with no ultimate basis in truth). However, once you

                  have identified with the symbolic concept of  “ American, ”  you are com-

                  pelled, consciously and unconsciously, to act in specific, physical ways. You
                  may feel an adrenaline rush of anger as you watch footage of elected


                  officials betraying the public trust, or experience a flush of warmth when
                  the national anthem plays before a baseball game. You may be obligated

                  to kill or be killed in war, or be confined to a cell because you transgressed
                  American codes of acceptable behavior. Identifications have very real
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