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ETHNOGRAPHY 91

            ‘invisibly’, by example and imitation, without a phase of a general talk by the
            leaders to the collectivity. This activity was the clearest index, during the camp,
            of a traditional Scouting approach and style. As the wood fire had been replaced
            in  the troop’s repertoire by the gas stove, backwoods cooking distinctively
            evoked the atmosphere of the founding text, Scouting for Boys.
              Hence the camp saw instances of two different forms of creative activity—the
            balloon construction and the backwoods cooking. While the balloon recalled the
            primitive days of flight, the cooking symbolized the primitive romance of the
            backwoods. The cooking has a highly traditional character, which yokes it, in a
            literal  bond, to that form of Scouting which developed in  the hands of its
            founder. Thus Pat’s traditionalist style often favoured this suitable programme
            item. The  oversight  of (and participation in) these craft  tasks by leaders was
            observed on other occasions, especially when the tasks  were unfamiliar or
            required considerable strength, as some projects do. This sharing of tasks recalls
            the structure of avuncularity referred to earlier.
              Observation and interaction  during  the weekend produced some interesting
            data which  may contribute to a more in-depth account of  informal or
            subterranean values in Scouting.
              Sunday afternoon had a certain desultory quality, once the troop had returned
            from their activities outside the camp. The weather was very hot, baking the
            grass to a stiff dryness. Shirts had been discarded in the attempt to mitigate the
            effects of the heat. As I was casually standing about, with the Scouters by my side,
            I noticed a group of lads approach, one or two of them carrying billycans. They
            walked towards  us,  laughing  and  joking. Suddenly I noticed that  Freddie, an
            APL, was coming towards me, a bucket of water in his hand. I suddenly felt
            myself isolated. With a smile he showed me the water in the bucket, and I smiled
            and looked unperturbed, thinking I was safe. Suddenly he made a  move and,
            unable to step out  of the  way quickly enough, I was  drenched with  water.
            Simultaneously,  the other lads attacked. I  immediately  raced after Freddie’s
            rapidly retreating back. I knew that I had to make a positive, physical response to
            his provocation; what I had underestimated was the speed of his flight. I finally
            had to give up the chase  after about thirty seconds,  when a Scouter from a
            different troop suddenly  warned us  away from  the region of his  car. I  had
            thought to retain my adult status, my symbolic invulnerability, and failed, while
            the echo of this sense of status made me ashamed to be treated by the Scouter as
            if I was a boy. Freddie had given me a challenge, thrown down the gauntlet, and
            engaged me in a conflict of physical mastery; I had accepted the invitation to
            enter his own terrain and, for the moment, had lost. Thereafter we developed
            something of a relationship out of this incident because he teased me about it.
              The water  fight at  this moment became  a  general conflict, with groups of
            laughing lads running around, water canisters in their hands. But immediately the
            fight developed into a struggle between the adults and the boys. Each side tried
            to get hold of the supplies of water and store up ‘ammunition’; then there would
            be running skirmishes, with attempts to isolate and then drench those who
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