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LANGUAGE 183

              theses  (that is, with  systems of representation which differ from  the
              rejection and blunt its violence). 12
            This describes the way in which the conflict is resolved: the signifying practices
            intervene to constitute a new understanding.
              It is vital for Marxism to take into account this process of the unconscious,
            whose effects are heard and felt in the conscious. If not, the psychology at work
            in propaganda and political action remains mechanistic, a simplistic causality. It
            ignores the process by which social  contradictions articulate themselves
            subjectively, the way in which they can produce a reactionary stance—in short,
            the contradiction between ideological practice and  economic  and  political
            practices.
              The  conversation that  Charles Woolfson analyses in  WPCS 9 provides a
            means of illustrating this argument. One worker (Worker 6) attempts to provide a
            political intervention into the conversation of several other workers. His
            approach shows exactly the practical effects of a lack of psychology in politics.
            Far from challenging  ‘the  whole basis  of authority’ (as the analysis claims),
            Worker 6 rests his whole intervention on himself as authoritative, on conceiving
            discussion as a matter of winning or losing. Looking at the speech of Worker 5,
            however, we see that his speech is anti-authoritarian in a confused and by no
            means conscious way.  This appears dramatically in his verbal slip  which
            Woolfson has carefully recorded: ‘workers are their own worst enemies—they
            expect the union—the, eh, I beg  your pardon—the  gaffers, you know,  the
            employers—to be fair  and  just…’.  It’s clear that at some level  the terms
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            ‘union’ and ‘gaffers’ are more interchangeable than he is prepared to admit. He
            has a profound unease  about ideas  of authority, which expresses itself
            consciously in an annoyance with Worker 6, a ‘gut’ opposition to the display of
            superiority. This unease demands to be politicized. This is not to put a positive
            value-judgement on Worker 5 as ‘confusedly political’ or to condemn Worker 6
            as ‘authoritarian’ in  any simplistic way. It is to  propose a  different political
            attitude, which sees the points at which Worker 5’s conscious confusion (and
            bloody-mindedness) are the expression of a multitude of contradictions which
            demand to be politicized. This can be achieved by generalizing the themes he
            situates himself within; by producing an awareness of contradiction to enrich his
            critical thinking. It shows that it is he who holds the idea of authority as
            problematic, that he has a deep unease in the region where Worker 6 finds a firm
            basis for his political style. Such a reading does not pay attention to the ‘manifest
            content’ of the speech so much as to its production, the way in which it comes
            out, the way in which speakers are orienting themselves. It is an analysis based
            not  on classification  but on listening symptomatically for what  is being said
            underneath what is said.
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