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282 HOW THE MEDIA REPORT RACE
            comparatively high wages in Britain, little or nothing of this economic aspect has
            been presented in the media.
              Against this it has been argued that it is a misconception to treat ‘the problem’
            of the mass media as primarily a cognitive one: that news is not a surrogate form
            of social enquiry; and that media critics are wrong in treating media men

              as if they have signed up to be professional sociologists and have fallen
              down on the job…where the measure of distortion is precisely the extent of
              discrepancy between their  account and that given  by the  favoured
              sociological theories of the media scholars’. (Anderson and Sharrock,
              1979, pp. 369 and 383)

            The irony is that the sociological definition of race relations which has been the
            product of lengthy ‘scientific enquiry’ is itself open to grave  criticism. In
            particular, the sociological definition has been  unduly influenced by the
            American experience and the wealth of research which is available about that
            experience. The consequence  has  been that race  per se has generally been
            unquestioningly  accepted as  the key to  understanding the position of  black
            people in Britain; it is regarded as sufficient to refer to a ‘society where racism is
            entrenched’ or in which the connotations of blackness are wholly negative. On
            the other hand, the parallels which may be drawn between the position of black
            immigrants in Britain, and that of the more than eleven million migrant workers
            who work in the North-European industrial triangle to perform the jobs which
            indigenous workers no longer wish to perform, have received—until  the
            appearance of certain publications in the early 1970s (Castles and Kosack, 1973,
            Bohning, 1972)—insufficient attention. Thus it can be said that both the media
            definition and the sociological definition have ‘fallen down on the job’, though
            editors may reasonably point out that it is not their task to provide an adequate
            sociological definition of race.
              The standards by which the press should be judged, according to the Royal
            Commission on the Press, included  the need  to  provide ‘a clear and truthful
            account of events, of their background and their causes; a forum for discussion
            and informed criticism’ (Royal Commission, 1949, Para. 362). Measured against
            these standards, the performance of the press may leave something to be desired.
            Perhaps this is because such standards have little to do with newsgathering and
            rather more to do with scientific enquiry. News, by contrast, has more to do with
            what  is happening now than what has  evolved  over  many years;  as  Walter
            Lippmann put it: ‘the news does not tell you how the seed is germinating in the
            ground but it may tell when the first sprout breaks through the surface’ (quoted
            in Daniel, 1968, p. 8).
              As far as reporting race relations is concerned, once the contradiction between
            ‘keeping the temperature down’ and following ‘news values’ was resolved  in
            favour of the latter, it became inevitable that the bulk of media coverage (with
            the  exception  of the quality  press  to which media  critics pay insufficient
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