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MESSAGES AND MEANINGS  89
            advantages for the systematic investigation of a wide range of material. Cantril’s
            original study of the impact of  The Invasion  from Mars, for example, simply
            reproduced the script of the radio play, but if a researcher wanted to look at 200
            plays this was no longer feasible (Cantril  et al., 1940). At the same time,
            however, content analysis has usually proved to be quite limited in conveying the
            meaning of specific media messages.
              More recent research has tended  to  conceptualize the  problems of
            understanding media messages rather differently. Semiological or structuralist
            studies, deriving many of their theoretical premises from linguistics, reasserted a
            concern  with media messages as  structured wholes rather  than with the
            quantified explicit  content of  fragmented parts of  messages.  Semiology as
            Burgelin points out, is not only rarely quantitative but also contains an implicit
            critique of the quantitative pre-occupation of content analysis.

              But above all there is no reason to assume that the item which recurs most
              frequently is the most important or  the most significant, for a  text is,
              clearly, a  structured whole,  and the place occupied by  the  different
              elements is more important than the number of times they recur. Let us
              imagine a film in which the  gangster hero is seen performing a  long
              succession of  actions which show his character in  an extremely vicious
              light, but he is also seen performing one single action which reveals to a
              striking degree that he has finer feelings. So the gangster’s actions are to be
              evaluated in terms  of two sets  of  opposites:  bad/good and frequent/
              exceptional. The polarity frequent/exceptional is perceptible at first sight
              and needs no quantification. Moreover we clearly cannot draw any valid
              inferences from a simple enumeration of his  vicious acts  (it makes no
              difference if there are ten or twenty of them) for the crux of the matter
              obviously is: what meaning is conferred on the vicious acts by the fact of
              their  juxtaposition with the single good action? Only  by taking into
              account the structural relationship of this one good action with the totality
              of the gangster’s vicious behaviour in the film can we make any inference
              concerning the film as a whole. (Burgelin, 1972, p. 319)

            This fairly familiar gangster  plot, Burgelin contends, cannot be understood  in
            terms of the quantification of its manifest content but necessitates an examination
            of the relationship of the different parts of the plot and the way in which they are
            articulated to form a specific and complex message  with various levels of
            signification.
              Some of the early sound gangster films such as Public Enemy (1931) aroused
            considerable official concern because of their violence. Similarly later television
            programmes on  crime and other genres  such as Westerns or spy films have
            aroused the kind of concern that led researchers (who in many ways knew better)
            to  conceptualize the mass communications process in terms of a behaviourist
            model in which representations of violence were seen to effect in an unmediated
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