Page 71 - Democracy and the Public Sphere
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66 Jürgen Habermas

                                 This conception of universal pragmatics lies at the heart of
                               Habermas’s model of ‘communicative action’. Communicative action
                               encompasses two types of action which, in practice, combine in
                               varying measures. At one extreme ‘discourse’ explicitly thematises
                               validity claims and subjects them to discursive testing. At the other
                               extreme, ‘consensual action’ operates against the backdrop of
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                               intersubjectively recognised validity claims  and on the basis that
                               it could, at any time, be suspended in favour of discourse whenever
                               the consensus comes into question.
                                 Communication, of course, often resembles something other than
                               ‘communicative action’. It’s often used strategically to engineer
                               consent by blocking discursive testing (shouting and sarcasm are
                               just two perennially popular tactics); and it’s often deployed with
                               the aim of generating ambiguity (as in many forms of aesthetic
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                               communication, for example).  So why does Habermas privilege
                               this consensual ideal of speech and action? For Habermas, these other
                               pervasive modes of interaction are not separate from but derivative
                               of communicative action itself.
                                 The goal of persuasion implicitly gestures towards egalitarian
                               relations, according to Habermas: ‘The illocutionary force of a speech
                               act consists in its capacity to move a hearer to act under the premise
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                               that the engagement signalled by the speaker is seriously meant.’
                               A ‘speech-act-immanent obligation’ (to provide grounds, to justify
                               and/or to demonstrate sincerity if called upon) empowers the hearer
                               (in a limited sense) just as the illocutionary force of the speech act
                               itself empowers the speaker. The ‘ideal speech situation’ consists in
                               equality between interlocutors and the unhindered scope for each
                               to question and defend validity claims.
                                 Habermas’s ‘ideal speech situation’ has always provoked controversy.
                               We can only begin to take it seriously, of course, if we acknowledge
                               its status as a counterfactual. It is something that Habermas believes
                               is anticipated in communication – an unspoken aspirational norm,
                               rather than a concrete possibility. Precise equality between fellow
                               interlocutors would be as difficult to imagine as it would be to

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                               measure:  in reality participants will occupy differential levels of
                               authority to act as ‘fi nal arbiter’ when the inevitable constraints of
                               time are faced; some participants, more than others, will command
                               high levels of implicit trust in the validity claims they raise because
                               of their status or reputation – they will evoke less discursive testing;
                               and the discrete boundedness of communicative encounters implied
                               by the terms ‘ideal speech situation’ or ‘reciprocity’ is shattered









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