Page 9 - Democracy and the Public Sphere
P. 9

4 Jürgen Habermas

                               the relationship between law, morality and reason, or an institutionally
                               abstract preoccupation with constitutional norms and human rights,
                               both of which have been at the centre of the Habermasian project
                               in recent years.
                                 The point of Structural Transformation is not to provide a history
                               to feed our nostalgic aspirations, and Habermas himself has never
                               idealised the eighteenth-century public sphere to quite the degree
                               that his critics have charged. Instead, it offers us a frame of reference
                               which may help us to reflect on both the points of connection and the

                               discontinuities between the past and our current predicament. Though
                               as historiography it may not always pass muster with professional
                               historians, scholars of social and political thought can find more in

                               Structural Transformation than in any of Habermas’s more recent works
                               to expose the slippages between ambiguous, complex histories and
                               virtuous ideals or grand theoretical systems. We start, then, with a
                               survey of the main themes of Structural Transformation.

                                             THE BOURGEOIS PUBLIC SPHERE

                               Under feudalism, Habermas reports, the ‘public realm’ existed not
                               as a sphere of interaction and debate but merely of representation:
                               aristocracy and nobility played out the symbolic dramas of majesty
                               and highness before their subjects. To talk of a public realm is even
                               misleading insofar as ‘publicness’, as a status attribute or performative
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                               mode, was more significant than spatial location.  The links between

                               this ‘representative publicness’ and today’s mass-mediated spectacles
                               of public life are thin: it was simply staged performance before the
                               people, not on behalf of a public. In fact, there was no ‘public’ as
                               such, only public display. A distinct public realm and its corollary, a
                               distinct private sphere, were all but absent. However, emergent forms

                               of trade and finance capitalism – Habermas here focuses on Britain,
                               France and Germany – and the eventual establishment of a ‘civil
                               society’ underpinned by the ideology of ‘private’ autonomy, would
                               eventually transform ‘publicness’ into something very different.
                                 Long before feudalism was in its death throes, the increasing
                               geographical reach and regularity of early capitalist trading set in
                               train an expanding network of communications, primarily trade
                                         2
                               newsletters.  To begin with, the newsletters circulated among closed
                               networks of merchants. This was not yet the rise of a print-based
                               public culture. ‘Publicness’ was still the preserve of the feudal powers
                               and it remained primarily oral, theatrical and immediate. By the









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