Page 91 - Democracy and the Public Sphere
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86 Jürgen Habermas

                               Habermas’s injunction to aspire to unconditional respect for our
                               neighbours – we must respect each other’s differences even as we try
                               to establish common grounds for dialogue.
                                 But the bonds of solidarity that we seek in the public sphere may
                               at times be simultaneously thicker and thinner than Habermas’s
                               constitutional model implies: thicker because we often seek friendship
                               and familiarity, deep levels of trust, people to laugh with and get
                               angry with, people who we can engage in passionate argument – the
                               kinds of relations we develop with others because of who they are
                               and not despite who they are (a theme we discussed in Chapter 1);
                               but thinner precisely because the decentred citizen does not put all
                               her existential eggs into one basket, does not – perhaps could not
                               – be transparently self-identical in any given space. The totalising
                               and pessimistic prognosis is that citizens of a fragmented and
                               pluralistic society only find these thickened-out bonds of solidarity

                               within relatively closed family, friendship or cultural groups. But the
                               realities of a protest movement, an online discussion group, a web-log
                               community or a local self-help group often show this to be a partial
                               truth. Micro-public spheres are rarely free of visible exclusionary
                               or parochial characteristics. Yet frequently they do bring together
                               strange bedfellows, be it the anarchists and the elderly women joined
                               in protest against the building of a new highway, or the US and Iraqi

                               ‘bloggers’ finding points of empathy and common interest whilst
                               their fundamental world-views remain poles apart. The decentred self
                               opens up possibilities for thickened, if more ad hoc and transient,
                               bonds of solidarity to develop between ‘Others’ than Habermas’s
                               rather dry model of constitutional patriotism allows for.
                                 There is an irony here. Habermas is frequently criticised for
                               fetishising dialogue at the expense of one-way and mass mediated
                               communication (something I will take up the following chapter)
                               and for privileging the ideal of co-presence between citizens in the
                               guise of the ‘ideal speech situation’ at the expense of the scattered
                               ‘imagined community’. And yet here is this champion of proximity
                               formulating a model – indeed, an ethic – of citizenship whose mantra
                               seems to be ‘keep your distance!’, lest the ‘integrity’ of the Other be
                               damaged; ‘include the Other’, might run the small print, ‘but do
                               not expect too much of her and do not give too much of yourself’.
                               In The Theory of Communicative Action Habermas drew heavily on
                               Lawrence Kohlberg’s idea of ‘post-conventional’ morality, which
                               privileges interaction between ‘generalised Others’ over that between
                               ‘concrete Others’, something which Carol Gilligan had forcefully









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