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Notes     150
                                           13
                    Netherlands: VARA and the loss of the natural audience
           1 See, for more general studies of the Dutch system of pillarization, Lijphart (1968) and
             Stuurman (1983).
           2 Given the central tenets of liberalist ideology, with its strong valuation of individualism, it is
             not surprising that the liberal pillar was the least rigidly organized of the four. The socialist
             pillar was also less ‘total’ than the two religious pillars.
           3 In terms of overt behaviour (e.g. membership of the organizations concerned), obedience was
             certainly widespread. It is less sure, however, to what degree people were satisfied or agreed
             with the official views of their leaders within the pillar. See Akkerman and Stuurman
             (1985:16).
           4 The pillarized broadcasting system, which became legalized in the Netherlands in 1930
             recognized the legitimacy of five private broadcasting organizations, each assumed to be the
             representatives of the various currents of thought prevailing within the nation. These
             organizations were AVRO (General Radio Broadcasting Association), which called itself
             national and neutral but which generally speaking recruited its members among those with a
             liberal orientation (e.g. entrepreneurs); NCRV (Dutch Orthodox Protestant Broadcasting
             Association), which represented the orthodox protestants; KRO (Catholic Broadcasting
             Association), representing the catholics, the socialist VARA (Association of Workers’ Radio
             Amateurs), and finally, the small VPRO (Liberal Protestant Broadcasting Association), for
             the liberal protestants.
           5 Thus, contrary to most other public broadcasting systems Dutch broadcasting organizations
             are not charged with the obligation to be ‘neutral’ or ‘balanced’ in their provision of
             information, education and entertainment. On the contrary, showing one’s colours serves as
             the pre-eminent motto. See De Boer (1946) and Bardoel et al. (1975).
           6 This democratic structure of the association of VARA still exists, and its collective rituals
             (e.g. meetings to discuss VARA policy and the organization of spring and autumn festivities)
             are still kept alive by an assorted, ever shrinking and ever ageing group of loyal members
             (many of whom have been devoted social democrats since the interwar years). Within the
             organization as a whole, the Association Council, consisting of delegates from the districts,
             is officially the highest decision-making body. See Sluyser (1965) for a fond and moving
             ethnographic description of the culture of VARA democracy in the 1930s, based upon his
             own personal experiences and memories.
           7 However, conversations with listeners who were around in the interwar years, carried out in
             the early 1980s, revealed that they certainly did not only listen to the programmes of their
             own pillar. See Manschot (1987).
           8 Thus the first serious large-scale audience survey, Radio and Leisure in the Netherlands, was
             commissioned by the Minister of Education, Art and Science in 1954.
           9 Article 14c of the 1987 Dutch Media Act requires that a broadcasting organization ‘represent
             in her programming a particular…social, cultural, religious or spiritual current and to direct
             its programming to the satisfaction of social, cultural or religious or spiritual needs living
             within the population’. This article still reflects the traditional ‘pillarized’ principle.
           10 This is, of course, a rather limited and reformist notion of cultural emancipation, based upon
             the assumption that the working class would gain by becoming equal to the more privileged
             classes in society. Thus, other, more radical models of cultural politics—in the form of
             autonomous cultural production, either along the nostalgic lines of the Arts and Craft
             movement or according to the revolutionary ambitions of modernism, both of which were
             influential within the Dutch social democratic movement between the two World Wars, were
             never embraced within VARA. See Weijers (1988).
           11 The British original—as well as the satire genre in general—was also very controversial. See
             Briggs (1985:336–7). This suggests that the turmoil these programmes generated has
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