Page 45 - Living Room WarsDesprately Seeking the Audience Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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The limits of discursive control    33
              film episodes, in what came to seem—for all the  occasional  bizarre
              disparities—a single irresponsible flow of images and feelings.
                                                        (Williams 1974:91–2)

        On his part, American researcher Thomas McCain had no less severe problems  with
        adjusting to the typically more irregular rhythm of European television programming:

              We moved to Dublin and I watched British and Irish television for one
              month with no small amount of puzzlement, amazement and frustration.
              Television was not very convenient  to watch; programmes changed at
              odd, rather than predictable hours. Series seemed to be only a few weeks
              long; just as we came to enjoy or understand a character or
              programme…it was gone from the schedule. The news was on in  the
              middle of the evening rather than  later  and earlier. The schedule or
              sequencing of programmes was most peculiar; a movie early in the
              evening, the British programme  In  Search  of the Wild Asparagus,
              followed by a situation comedy and then a late evening documentary on
              pigeons…. It was a change of routine we had not anticipated, though we
              liked it. Having left Columbus, Ohio and the Qube cable system with 30
              channels of nearly round the clock programming available, television had
              become an almost magnetic part of our lives, the television set drawing us
              to  its field of fancy and frivolity with regularity of embarrassing
              proportions. But this European television was different. My  initial
              reaction was that it was rather  pretentious, quite dull and occasionally
              brilliant. Our family stopped  ‘watching television’ and  started viewing
              programmes.
                                                           (McCain 1985:74)

        Williams’s  and  McCain’s  stories  indicate  the very real effects of specific institutional
        arrangements of broadcasting, not only upon what kinds of television material audiences
        are enabled to watch, but also more generally upon the structuring of everyday television
        experience as such. This is a form of control, but a rather indirect one. It does not consist
        of overt coercion, of imposing explicit rules and regulations, of commanding obedience
        and submission, but is a matter of structuration discursively mediated by the assumptions
        made about which programmes are most appropriate to tie the audience to the specific
        institutional  arrangement concerned: schematically, assumptions about ‘what the
        audience wants’ in the case of commercial television,  and  about  ‘what  the  audience
        needs’ in the case of public service television.
           However,  despite  the  massive  amount of available knowledge about ‘television
        audience’  on  which  the programming assumptions are based, the discursive control
        emanating from it is still not sufficient to efface the uncertainty faced by the institutions.
        Indeed, the large emphasis usually given to  the  figures  and  calculations  of  audience
        measurement only obscures the fact that television institutions remain, for  all  the
        information they have at their disposal, in constant wonder of the best ways in which to
        address the audience. What has to be stressed here then is the ultimate lack of control.
        Even the executives of American commercial television depend as much upon intuition
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