Page 90 - Living Room WarsDesprately Seeking the Audience Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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        surprises of programmes that they get to see on their TV sets: the streamlined audience
        and streamlined programming tend to reinforce each other in  their  predictability.  It
        remains to be seen whether the contemporary disruption of the streamlined audience will
        lead to dramatic changes in American commercial television’s programming philosophy,
        although it should be noted that the transition to the people meter was accompanied by
        heavy speculation about its possible impact on  future  programme  development
        (Broadcasting 7 September 1987).
           For example, the general prospect that certain demographic categories would gain and
        others lose in the people meter’s version of the ratings, inevitably led to considerations
        about preferred kinds of programmes to be produced. For instance, test results indicated
        that male audiences would gain in size in people meter ratings (presumably because men
        are better button-pushers). In  response,  CBS decided to programme a flourish of new
        male-oriented  shows  during  prime  time in the first season of the people meter.
        Incidentally, without success: according to the 1987/ 1988 Nielsen people meter ratings,
        CBS was the least successful of the three networks in that season and the male-oriented
        shows it introduced (such as Crime Story) were no ratings successes at all (Ross 1988).
        Which brings us to the more general sense of loss within the networks, testified fully by
        Brandon Tartikoff, NBC’s President of Entertainment:

              Lucille Ball said that television changed with the invention of the remote
              control device. As soon as a guy doesn’t have to get up from his chair to
              switch the channel, television becomes a new ball game. Viewer inertia,
              which  supported  many an uninspired show, has given way to viewer
              impatience.
                                               (In Levinson and Link 1986:263)

        Of  course,  viewer  inertia was only a true fact within the symbolic world of ratings
        discourse.  The  ‘inert  viewer’ was the fictional prototype of the streamlined audience
        member complacently and arrogantly indulged  in  by the industry. As of viewer
        impatience, it may be the new fictional construct by which the industry seeks to combat
        its uncertainty about the television audience—a construct which, if anything, betrays a
        declining sense of confidence over the power of the medium. Whether the shows will
        cease to be ‘uninspired’, however, remains to be seen. Will there be a ‘move towards
        originality’, as the buzzword seems  to  be  in some industry circles (Broadcasting 12
        October 1987)? Only the future can tell whether the new television landscape, with its
        promise of increased choice, will result in a permanent betterment for actual audiences in
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        terms of programme quality and diversity.
           Apart from this practical issue  of cultural politics, however, a more fundamental,
        epistemological issue imposes itself with these developments. It concerns the tricky status
        of the concept of audience as it functions in audience measurement’s discursive work.
        We have seen an increasing difficulty for the industry in determining beyond any doubt
        what ‘watching television’ is. In other words, the very  empirical  basis  on  which
        ‘television audience’ as object of measurement is founded seems increasingly to escape
        unambiguous operationalization. Paradoxically, then, audience measurement tends to
        become a practice in search of its object rather than a practice researching a given object.
        Contrary to what is suggested by its epithet, it is by no means certain what the object of
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