Page 186 - Envoys and Political Communication in the Late Antique West 411 - 533
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Envoys and Political Communication,411–533

         captives were part of their war booty. 190  One of the extant fragments
         of the Byzantine History of Malchus of Philadelphia, who was probably
         an exact contemporary of Ennodius, reports an almost identical story
         about the Constantinopolitan senator and patricius Severus, sentby the
         emperor Zeno to the Vandal king Geiseric in 474. Geiseric, impressed
         by Severus’ moderation and integrity, particularly his refusal of the con-
         ventional gifts offered to him, agrees to release all the Roman captives
         held by himself and his sons, and to permit Severus to purchase those
         captives held by his followers, if they are willing to sell. 191  The situation,
         qualifications, and means of persuasion are almost identical between the
         two narratives; it is the envoy, not the principal, who earns the king’s
         respect. Malchus, a sophist who wrote from a purely secular, classicis-
         ing perspective, may have enjoyed contacts with senior court officials at
         Constantinople, including another of Zeno’s envoys. His portrait of the
         prudentenvoy appeals to both the sophistic tradition and the professional
         ethos of palatine officials. 192  There is no qualitative difference between
         his presentation of Severus and Ennodius’ portrait of Epiphanius in these
         scenes. 193
           Ennodius could have chosen to portray Epiphanius differently. 194  His
         poetic declamation in honour of the thirtieth anniversary of Epiphanius’
         episcopal election was delivered in 495/6, some six to nine years be-
         fore the composition of the Vita. 195  The dictio uses, at greater length,
         themes and images which reappear in the sections of the Vita concerning
         Epiphanius’ youth and election: the introductory conceit, the miracle
         of the glowing light above the cradle, Epiphanius’ physical beauty and
         modesty, his popular election. 196  There may be manuscriptevidence that
         Ennodius consulted the earlier work while composing the Vita. 197  But
         the emphasis of the dictio is almost entirely on Epiphanius’ election. Only

         190  Ennodius, Vita Epiphani, 170. For the historical context: Cesa, Commentary to Vita del Epifanio,
           195–6.
         191  Malchus, Fr. 5; for date of composition: Blockley, Fr. Class. Hist. i, 72–3. Cf. Victor of Vita,
           Historia persecutionis Africanae provinciae, ed. K. Halm, MGH AA 3.1 (Berlin, 1879), i, 51.
         192
           Contact: Blockley, Fr. Class. Hist. i, 78. Professional ethos: below, chapter 5, e.g. following
           n. 60.
         193
           Cf. Faustus of Riez, De gratia Dei et libero arbitrio i, 16 (PL 58, 809): in a comparison with Christ’s
           redemption of humanity, Faustus envisages an ‘envoy or bishop’ (legatus aliquis vel sacerdos), who
           seeks the redemption of a city captured in war, receiving the whole population without payment
           of ransom by a gratuitous act of the victor. (Faustus was one of the four Gallic bishops involved
           in the ceding of the Auvergne to Euric in 475,Sid.Ap., Ep. vii, 6.10; he was himself exiled after
           Euric took control of Provence; Heinzelmann, ‘Gallische Prosopographie’, 607.)
         194
           Ennodius’ choice on mode of presentation of Epiphanius: Reydellet, La Royaut´ e, 148.
         195
           Ennodius, Carm. i, 9 = opus 43. Editions: ed. Sirmond, PL 63, 322–6; ed. Vogel, MGH AA 7,
           40–5; ed. Hartel, CSEL 6, 531–9. On the date: Hasenstab, Studien zur Ennodius, 15–18; Benjamin,
           ‘Ennodius’, 2631; Sundwall, Adhandlungen, 13–14, 73; Schanz-Hosius iv, 2, 145.
         196                         197
           Hasenstab, Studien zur Ennodius, 15.  Benjamin, ‘Ennodius’, 2631.
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