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14  << Introduction

        delegitimization of existing relations of media production or kinship-based
        capitalist networks more generally. In fact, the influence that small-scale and
        family-owned production companies wield in Bollywood indicates novel
        social and institutional arrangements and adaptations that theories of media
        globalization have yet to take into account. As I show in chapter 2, positing
        the world of kinship-based media production as a domain opposed to and
        incommensurable with an industrialized and purportedly rational model
        fails to account for the kinds of exchanges and relationships upon which Bol-
        lywood’s production dynamics rest. But this does not imply documenting a
        set of practices that are somehow essentially Indian. The more relevant task
        remains, as Kajri Jain observes in her study of the production and circulation
        of calendar images in India, accounting for the “distinctive character that . . .
        capitalist networks take on through being forged in articulation with existing
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        economic, political, and social formations.”  Steering clear of narratives of
        homogenization and, at the other extreme, celebrations of local difference,
        this book thus aims to develop a nuanced account of relations between capi-
        tal, space, and cultural production as they play out in Bollywood.
           In doing so, it joins a growing body of literature that decenters Hol-
        lywood to highlight new directions and patterns of media circulation that
        define our world today. To be sure, this is not simply a question of assessing
        the extent of Bombay, Hong Kong, or Seoul’s global reach. Media capital, as
        Curtin reminds us, is a “relational concept, not simply an acknowledgment
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        of dominance.”  In other words, we need to analyze the reconfiguration of
        the Bombay film industry’s spatial reach while maintaining an awareness of
        how established centers like Hollywood respond to and reflect on their own
        position in the midst of considerable social, technological, and institutional
        change. Consider, for instance, this image that appeared in the Wall Street
        Journal in 2008.
           The image accompanied an article that provided a survey of Hollywood’s
        changing relations with India, and focused in particular on a recent deal
        between the Bombay-based company Reliance Entertainment and the Hol-
        lywood company DreamWorks SKG. Reliance Entertainment’s investment
        of $500 million allowed DreamWorks, led by Steven Spielberg, to leave Via-
        com’s Paramount Pictures and launch a new venture. As the story noted, for
        Hollywood studios struggling to raise finances in the midst of a major eco-
        nomic crisis, pursuing opportunities in India seemed to make sense.  It was
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        to be a new beginning.
           It was only fitting, then, that the new figure occupying the director’s seat
        was a twenty-first-century incarnation of Lord Ganesha, the androgynous,
        light-skinned, four-armed Hindu god who is typically invoked to bless new
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