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Communicating Identity in Intercultural Communication  421


                             Often it makes a difference whether it is a matter of a self- or strangers’ cat-
                          egorization. The category greenie (Öko), which is often named in the group
                          communication of the girls in Spreckels’s study (2006), is more of a strangers’
                          categorization. Even if a dictionary merely refers to this short word as a ‘humor-
                          ous’ term for a ‘supporter of the ecology movement’, the particular designation
                          is often used in a derogatory sense. Members of the category would therefore
                          probably not categorize themselves as greenies. The politically incorrect word
                          ‘nigger’, if used by a white, is an expression of racism, while the same word, if
                          used by a black, is a playful adaptation of the racist expression and a conscious
                          profession of his ethnic origin (see chapter 18 by Reisigl in this volume). A
                          jocular adoption of a strangers’ attribution observed from outside was also
                          studied by Schwitalla & Streeck (1989: 249) in a group of working-class youth
                          who are viewed by adults as bothersome and unpleasant. By identifying with
                          this strangers’ attribution (“mir falle iwwerall uff” – “we stand out every-
                          where”) they are performing an inversion of values. Categories can thus be used
                          for discrimination, but they can also be played with.


                          1.4.   Social categories versus social groups
                          It is important to differentiate between the two concepts of ‘social category’ and
                          ‘social group’, which are sometimes used as synonymous. Sacks himself em-
                          phasizes this difference (1979: 13).

                             We’re dealing […] with a category. They’re not groups. Most of the categories
                             (women, old people, Negroes, Jews, teenagers, etc.) are not groups in any sense that
                             you normally talk about groups, and yet what we have is a mass of knowledge known
                             about every category, any member is seen as a representative of each of those cat-
                             egories; any person who is a case of a category is seen as a member of the category,
                             and what’s known about the category is known about them […].

                          Besides Sacks, other researchers point to the important distinction between
                          groups and categories. Thus, e.g., Turner writes (1982: 169): “In general … [a]
                          group has been conceptualized as some (usually) small collection of individuals
                          in face-to-face relations of interaction, attraction and influence […]” and de-
                          marcates from it social categories that he, drawing on Tajfel, refers to as the re-
                          sult of “discontinuous divisions of the social world into distinct classes” (Turner
                          1982: 17).
                             Often it cannot be determined to what extent categories coincide with real-
                          ity, for in a certain sense we only create reality through categorization (Kessel-
                          heim 2003: 72). But this is exactly where we confront the danger of social cat-
                          egories. Kesselheim (p. 72) points out that categories are not completely
                          arbitrary just because they are “created,” “for they must prove themselves in so-
                          cietal action.”
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