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Communicating Identity in Intercultural Communication  431


                          slightly from that of the others in the higher proportion of German structures
                          and elements. In some interactions – for example, discussions about their school
                          affairs – German was their dominant language. This shows, according to Keim,
                          that in the course of their educational careers outside the ghetto, the girls’ lin-
                          guistic competences and preferences had changed: in specific constellations, to-
                          gether with specific topics, the relevance of mixing had decreased, and the rel-
                          evance of German had increased.
                             When all girls attended schools outside the ghetto, they acquired a high
                          competence in mono-lingual German. For the oldest girls, who had just started
                          university study, German had become the central means of expression in all pro-
                          fessional domains. But in in-group communication, all the girls still preferred
                          mixing. At this later time of Keim’s study, it had become a means of symboliz-
                          ing their affiliation with the category of the ‘German-Turk’ and their dissocia-
                          tion from the Turkish-speaking world, as well as from the German-speaking
                          majority. When Keim asked them about their ideal life-partner, they sponta-
                          neously answered that they would only marry a German-Turk, a man who could
                          mix languages. Thus, the formation of German-Turkish mixing, as well as the
                          use of monolingual German, are closely related to the speakers’ processing of
                          social experiences and to their construction of a genuine socio-cultural identity.
                             Besides language, clothing is also an important resource for indexing or
                          symbolizing cultural identity.



                          2.3.   Non-verbal formation of ‘us’ and ‘them’
                          2.3.1.  Women’s headscarves as a boundary marker
                          We deal in this section with the symbolic discourse about the headscarves worn
                          by Muslim women and their potential to arouse controversy. Clothing is one of
                          the cultural signs that have an effect at first glance and convey meaning in a var-
                          iety of ways. Clothing can mark the boundaries of age, sex/gender, status, re-
                          ligion and many other dimensions. Its symbolic significance is thus “multi-
                          vocal” (Korff 1990). Schöning-Kalender (2000) shows Islamic discourse as sig-
                          nificant in two regards: for one thing, as a body of religious rules and regulations
                          that does or does not prescribe the clothing of confessing Muslims, for another,
                          as a political ideology that is symbolized by specific forms of clothing. If Tur-
                          kish, German or French state and school authorities point out that Islam does
                          not absolutely prescribe that women wear veils, they can thereby draw on a rich
                          literature of Islamic experts (Mernissi 1989 Bilgin 1997). On the basis of the
                          Turkish constitution, there are strict clothing requirements for public institu-
                          tions that are oriented to basic secular principles (i.e. prohibition of wearing
                          headscarves). As a second dimension, Schöning-Kalender (2000: 191) de-
                          scribes political Islam, for which the veiling of women has become a public
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