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5. MEDIA PRIMING 107
1962; Zanna & Cooper, 1974). The final stage of the model involves sec-
ondary appraisals, which are more effortful, controlled appraisals of the sit-
uation and a more thoughtful consideration of various behavioral alterna-
tives to the situation. This final stage can correct or override the primary
appraisal (Gilbert, 1991; Gilbert, Tafarodi, & Malone, 1993).
Berkowitz’s (1984, 1990, 1994, 1997) neo-associationistic model and
Anderson et al.’s (1995) affective aggression model explain many of the
findings of the research on priming and media violence. Both models pre-
dict that media violence will temporarily increase aggressive thoughts
(Anderson, 1997; Anderson et al., 1996; Bushman, 1998; Bushman & Geen,
1990) and aggressive behaviors (Bushman, 1995; Josephson, 1987). In
addition, the affective aggression model predicts that hot temperatures,
the presence of weapons, and competition will increase aggressive
thoughts and affect (Anderson et al., 1995; Anderson et al., 1996; Ander-
son & Morrow, 1995). Furthermore, consistent with both models, individ-
uals who are high in trait aggressiveness have more complex aggression-
related associative networks in memory than do individuals who are low
in trait aggressiveness (Bushman, 1996). Finally, both models specifically
predict that the effects of media priming will fade with time. In addition,
both models can predict that more intense primes will result in stronger
media priming effects.
Models of Political Priming
Until recently, the theoretical mechanisms by which the media prime eval-
uations of the president have been largely unspecified. The first attempt
used Tversky and Kahneman’s (1973) availability heuristic to explain the
effects of media coverage on political priming effects (Iyengar & Simon,
1993). According to this explanation, media coverage of an issue influ-
ences which exemplars are accessed from memory when people make
judgments of the president (Iyengar & Simon, 1993). This process occurs
in a manner similar to the process outlined by Shrum (1999; Shrum &
O’Guinn, 1993) to explain cultivation effects (see chapter 4). However, this
availability/cultivation explanation has not been well developed within
the political priming domain and has not been subjected to any empirical
tests within this domain.
Only one model of political priming has been developed sufficiently to
explain the political priming results (Price & Tewksbury, 1997). Similar to
Berkowitz’s (1984) neo-associationistic model, Price and Tewksbury’s
model of political priming is based on network models of memory. As dis-
cussed earlier, network models maintain that both chronic and temporary
accessibility of constructs influences their likelihood of firing. In addition,
Price and Tewksbury incorporate the applicability of information into their