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230                                        McLEOD, KOSICKI, McLEOD

           Cognitive Complexity. Traditional measures of factual knowledge
        may be too limited to capture the full range of what audience members
        take away from political communication. To evaluate learning from the
        media, researchers have gone beyond the recognition or recall of specific
        factual knowledge to examine audience understandings of news stories
        and events more broadly. Techniques of open-ended questions and
        recording of group discussion are used to measure the complexity and
        structure of audience thinking on a given issue or news story. The cogni-
        tive complexity  of audience understanding can be measured reliably by
        counting such features of open-ended responses as the number of argu-
        ments, time frames, and causes and implications the person brings into
        the discussion (McLeod et al., 1987; McLeod, Pan, & Rucinski, 1989;
        Sotirovic, 2001a). Cognitive complexity so measured is moderately corre-
        lated with factual knowledge from closed-ended questions, but the two
        criteria have distinct sets of social structural and media use antecedents.
        Complexity of thinking about public issues appears to be a function both
        of personal characteristics and patterns of news media use.

           Framing. Consideration of framing effects on audiences has become
        an important and lively research area. A key theoretical concern is that
        news reports can alter patterns of knowledge activation (Price & Tewks-
        bury, 1997). Their formulation of framing suggests that news messages
        help determine what aspects of a problem are focused on by individuals.
        Although their knowledge activation model is primarily an organizing
        model rather than a precise set of hypotheses, it does involve both applic-
        ability effects and accessibility effects. Applicability involves first-order
        effects of media messages at the time of message processing. Once acti-
        vated, ideas and feelings retain some potential for further use, making
        them likely to be drawn on in making subsequent evaluations. These sec-
        ondary effects of messages are known as accessibility effects (Price,
        Tewksbury, & Powers, 1997).
           For framing research to meet its full potential, audience research needs
        to be tied carefully to the work of journalists in meaningful ways beyond
        merely the simple dimensions of episodic versus thematic as specified by
        Iyengar (1991), denoting framing effects of event-oriented news stories
        versus stories embedded in considerable background information and
        issue context. Corresponding to the journalist’s role in framing news sto-
        ries discussed earlier (Tuchman, 1978), audiences also can be seen as
        framing (or perhaps reframing) the news that comes to their attention.
        Audience framing involves, according to Goffman (1974), invoking
        “schemata of interpretation” that allow individuals to “locate, perceive,
        identify, and label” information coming from the environment. News sto-
        ries use standard forms such as the summary lead and the inverted pyra-
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