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11. FRIGHT REACTIONS TO MASS MEDIA                             297

        the Hulk character. When participants were shown a shortened episode of
        the program and were asked how they had felt during different scenes,
        preschool children reported the most fear after the attractive, mild-
        mannered hero was transformed into the monstrous-looking Hulk. Older
        elementary schoolchildren, in contrast, reported the least fear at this time,
        because they understood that the Hulk was really the benevolent hero in
        another physical form and that he was using his superhuman powers to
        rescue a character who was in danger.
           Another study (Hoffner & Cantor, 1985) tested the effect of appearance
        more directly by creating a story in four versions, so that a major charac-
        ter was either attractive and grandmotherly looking or ugly and
        grotesque. The character’s appearance was factorially varied with her
        behavior—she was depicted as behaving either kindly or cruelly. In judg-
        ing how nice or mean the character was and in predicting what she would
        do in the subsequent scene, preschool children were more influenced than
        older children (6–7 and 9–10 years) by the character’s looks and less influ-
        enced than older children by her kind or cruel behavior. As the age of the
        child increased, the character’s looks became less important and her
        behavior carried increasing weight. A follow-up experiment revealed that
        all age groups engaged in physical appearance stereotyping in the
        absence of information about the character’s behavior.
           Harrison and Cantor’s (1999) retrospective study of fright responses
        also provided evidence in support of the diminishing influence of appear-
        ance. When descriptions of the program or movie that had frightened
        respondents were categorized as whether they involved immediately per-
        ceptible stimuli (e.g., monstrous-looking characters, eerie noises), the per-
        centage of respondents whose described scene fell into this category
        declined as the respondent’s age at exposure increased.

           Fantasy vs. Reality as Fear Inducers. A second generalization that
        emerges from research is that as children mature, they become more
        responsive to realistic and less responsive to fantastic dangers depicted in
        the media. The data on trends in children’s fears suggest that very young
        children are more likely than older children and adolescents to fear things
        that are not real, in the sense that their occurrence in the real world is
        impossible (e.g., monsters). The development of more “mature” fears
        seems to presuppose the acquisition of knowledge regarding the objective
        dangers posed by different situations. One important component of this
        knowledge includes an understanding of the distinction between reality
        and fantasy, a competence that develops only gradually throughout child-
        hood (see Flavell, 1963; Morison & Gardner, 1978).
           This generalization is supported by Cantor and Sparks’ (1984) survey
        of parents. In general, the tendency to mention fantasy offerings, depict-
        ing events that could not possibly occur in the real world, as sources of
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