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                  relationships within a community of objects. We can think of these relationships
                  of equivalence as similar to those which make objects exchangeable as com-
                  modities in a market, insofar as they are based on socially established criteria or
                  rules (Appadurai 1986: 14–5). The museum object is removed from commodity
                  circulation, but by the late nineteenth century a museum artefact’s value is
                  partly determined by exchangeability – by its ability to be circulated between
                  museum collections and substituted for other objects that belong to the same
                  type. Tony Bennett says that at the end of the century, in most kinds of
                  museum, relations of equivalence between objects were crucial for the construc-
                  tion of historical sequences (2002: 37). In this respect, an object’s ability to
                  stand in for other objects was often more important than its singularity. This is
                  one of the things which distinguishes the Victorian museum from the private
                  collections out of which it had been constructed. In the cabinets of curiosity of
                  the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, which we will look at more closely later,
                  objects had been collected and displayed on the basis of their uniqueness, or
                  their status as anomalies  – even if in practice, these collections had certain
                  staples, such as the obligatory crocodile hanging from the ceiling. In the last
                  decades of the nineteenth century and the early years of the twentieth, the
                  museum replaced this with an emphasis on the typical and with historicism (for
                  more on Victorian historicism see Chapter 2, section 1).
                    We could say that the core difference between the late nineteenth-century
                  museum and its predecessors was its privileging of the typical over the singular.
                  Yet museums of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, saw not just
                  the gradual replacement of the singular curiosity with the typical specimen, but
                  the emergence of a new kind of singularity based in aesthetics. Not surpris-
                  ingly, this is most explicit in the case of the art museum. Writing in the late
                  1940s, André Malraux credited the art museum with the development and
                  popularisation of a new way of looking at art (1967: 9). It was new in two
                  respects: first because it was determined by the art historical arrangement of the
                  museum, and second because it was newly aestheticized. We have become used
                  to the idea of the art museum as schooling us in art history. Thus, as Fisher
                  argues, when we stroll rapidly through the museum we are not misusing it: our
                  walk ‘recapitulates . . . the motion of art history itself, its restlessness, its for-
                  ward motion, its power to link’ (1991: 9). However, if  encyclopaedism and
                  historicism dominated museum displays by the end of the nineteenth century,
                  many of the objects that they marshalled into order were already enchanted
                  objects: not dry material evidence or examples of a type, but objects deemed to
                  be possessed of aesthetic qualities.
                    As the art and media historian Hans Belting (2001) narrates, during the early
                  years of the Louvre there was a dispute about whether the museum should show
                  only singular paintings  – the  ‘masterpieces’  – or other paintings considered
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