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                   postal system meant that naturalists from different classes could correspond
                   and exchange specimens without coming face to face (Barber 1980: 31–9).
                     In Britain and North America, the popular passion for natural history sup-
                   plied museums with an audience and with specimens, while larger animals were
                   supplied by the hunter naturalists who killed big game in Britain’s colonies and
                   in the North American wilderness. As in Britain, early nineteenth-century
                   natural history in the United States was relatively inclusive. Naturalists believed
                   they were engaged in a devout and democratic pursuit. The members of the
                   Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences, founded in 1812, included eminent
                   scientists alongside working men and women (membership was predominantly
                   male). Charles Willson Peale, who founded his private museum of  ‘natural
                   curiosities’ in the late eighteenth century, promoted his museum as being of use
                   to a wide cross-section of society including farmers, merchants and mechanics
                   (Conn 1998: 35–7).
                     The  first major natural history museums saw themselves as places for
                   research and study. Joseph Henry, the first secretary of the Smithsonian Institu-
                   tion (which opened in 1846), described the collections as ‘the rough material
                   from which science is to be evolved’ (Henry cited in Wonders 1993: 108). The
                   Philadelphia Society’s museum, which opened in 1826, had object-based
                   research as the primary purpose of its displays (Conn 1998: 38). Louis Agassiz,
                   the founder of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard University
                   saw the museum’s purpose as furthering scientific education by facilitating
                   the study of specimens (Wonders 1993: 108). These figures did not so much
                   favour scientific research over education, as see research  as education. This
                   model was swiftly being overtaken by another, which viewed education as
                   the dissemination of already-formed facts and ideas to as large a public as
                   possible. In the 1870s, William Ruschenberger, president of the Philadelphia
                   Academy of Natural Sciences, campaigned against efforts to market the
                   museum in the same ways as department stores, and to emphasize entertain-
                   ment and exhibition over research (Conn 1998: 40, 58). The increasing pressure
                   to turn museums into sites of mass popular appeal was at the expense of the
                   notion of the museum as a research institution for everyone.
                     The museum which most epitomized the new vision was the American
                   Museum of Natural History in New York. Founded in 1868 as ‘a democratic
                   institution dedicated to popular education in the natural sciences’, it was entire-
                   ly financially dependent on its trustees. These were wealthy businessmen who
                   favoured ‘naked eye science’ and supported the branches of natural history with
                   the largest and most impressive specimens (Wonders 1993: 109). While some
                   museum men held on to the importance of distancing the museum from popu-
                   lar entertainments, the AMNH wholeheartedly embraced popular techniques
                   of display – most obviously in the form of the diorama. Frank M. Chapman,
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