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BEYOND IDENTITIES: LIVING HYBRIDITIES

        have no past other than being the dupes of white Australian history’. ‘I am no
        hybrid’, Anderson says:

            I do not experience my body as a fragmented entity of black and white
            compartments. Even though I sense its transformative potential, and
            its internal contradictions and conflicts, it is one entity. My body is an
            Aboriginal body, and could not be otherwise – unless someone cared to
            dismember my historical consciousness, my experience of family, my
            experience of being treated as an Aboriginal, and acting in a particular
            manner because of who I am.
                                                             (1995: 38)

        The strategic essentialism – or rather, strategic anti-anti-essentialism – involved
        in this assertion of a coherent, unambiguously Aboriginal identity is founded on a
        political claim of historical continuity and memory, not on biology. For Anderson,
        the traumatic history of indigenous dispossession and genocide in Tasmania is more
        important in shaping his sense of identity than his biological origins as a mixed-
        race child born of that very violent colonial encounter. So when queried, ‘Why do
        you people deny your white ancestry?’, Anderson (1995: 35) replies:

            Our families have been born out of horrific violence. Some of our white
            ancestors were direct perpetrators to that. ...I do see the evidence
            of British colonialism – every day. But Britain may as well be on the moon.
            ... How can Britain as a place or society hold any special significance? I fail
            to feel positive about this British cultural tradition. Nor do I see it as mine.
            I simply acknowledge its impact.
                                                       (italics in original)

        Anderson’s active disidentification with the ‘white’ contribution to his existence
        enables the construction of an Aboriginal identity that counters the dominant
        denomination of Truganini’s descendants as the ‘hybrid children of a dead race’.
        It is clear, then, that for Anderson, hybridity does not stand for happy fusion
        but for ‘racial’ disappearance, for the fatal completeness of genocide and the
        impossibility of Aboriginal survival. In other words, Anderson’s determination
        to essentialize Aboriginality stems from a desire to maintain an indubitable position
        of resistance through the radical affirmation of an insurgent counter-identity.
          From the progressivist perspective of white liberal hybridism Anderson’s militant
        refusal of hybridity in favour of an affirmation of an unambigously oppositional
        identity can only be dismissed as a retrograde clinging to the past. As Nicholas
        Thomas (1996: 10–11) remarks in his critique of the popularity of the concept of
        hybridity in contemporary art and cultural theory, ‘[i]f fusion is [conceived as] the
        highest stage of cultural evolution, those still preoccupied with anticolonialism
        or nativism . . . can only be disparaged’. In other words, while in an earlier period
        hybridity (in the sense of miscegenation) served as a sign of degeneration and,


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