Page 10 - Privacy in a Cyber Age Policy and Practice
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PREFACE  ix

           out. Moreover, given various recent technological developments, we shall
           see that there is much that we do in public space that we should be entitled
           to keep private, as if we were at home. Hence, instead of making our home
           our castle, we should consider privacy to be a personal sphere that goes
           with the person wherever he or she travels, whether in private or public
           space. For instance, if the authorities were to use parabolic microphones to
           listen to one’s political or personal exchanges in a public park, that would
           be a gross violation of privacy. Indeed it would be a greater violation of
           privacy than if, say, the authorities were to measure the temperature in
           one’s kitchen. The three criteria of the cyber age privacy doctrine—volume,
           sensitivity, and cybernation—delineate the personal sphere and thus play
           a role similar to the one played by the walls of the home in traditional pri-
           vacy doctrine. They inform us which types of personal information should
           be especially well-protected and which ones we should be more ready to
           allow authorities to collect, store, and apply in the service of compelling
           public interests.
             Chapter 5 deals with a major source of the violation of privacy that is
           usually not included when libertarians and civil libertarians focus on Big
           Brother (i.e., government intrusions): privacy violations committed by
           corporations. When I started studying this matter, I realized, of course,
           that many corporations keep track of what their customers prefer and pitch
           products tailored to personal tastes. I did not realize, however, the scope
           and extent of the dossiers that data brokers keep on most Americans. They
           include some very sensitive information and great amounts of personal
           data. If the FBI were to keep such dossiers on hundreds of millions of
           Americans, not only libertarians and civil libertarians but also very large
           segments of the American public and their elected officials would be up in
           arms. For various reasons, private sector privacy violations arouse much
           less ire—even though the source of the information matters little if you
           want to keep something private and instead find it on the front page of the
           newspaper or going viral in the blogosphere.
             I was stunned when I discovered that data brokers sell access to the dos-
           siers they amass to various government agencies. It seemed to me that if the
           government was not allowed to violate the privacy of Americans who were
           neither charged with nor even suspected of any crime, neither could private
           parties that were acting, in effect, as a government proxy. As we shall see in
           Chapter 5, this is clearly not the case, despite the fact that the government
           is merely one click away from these private databanks. I therefore lay out
           an extremely challenging question: If privacy is to be restored, must private
           sector privacy violators be treated in the same way as government agents?
           Should we, and could we, read the Fourth Amendment as applying to both
           the public and the private sectors?
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