Page 129 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
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114.  Hemmed In and Shut Out

       participant  in creating the relationships  (or lack thereof)  that  emerge as
       they  deal with  store  personnel,  clerks, and  other  customers.  Their ac-
       tions are not reactive or predetermined, and in some cases, kids mobilize
       their  own  stereotypes  about  distrustful  store  owners  even before  those
       store  owners can demonstrate  their distrust. Kids often  begin to exhibit
       the very kinds  of loud  and  disruptive behavior they know  will  make
       people uncomfortable in an attempt at some kind of a social preemptive
       strike. These attempts at rejecting the power  of others over their own lives
       recall the  resistance  of the  working-class "lads" in Paul Willis's classic
       account of South London youth (1977). These lads, painfully  aware that
       school  officials  deemed  them  worthy  of little  else than  monotonous
       blue-collar  factory work,  knew they were capable of more  and rejected
       the  school's  assessment of themselves by skipping classes, doing poorly
       in  school, and  otherwise  opting  not  to work within  the  system.  This
       strategy, paradoxically,  ensured that  all they were  equipped  to  do  once
       they graduated was the very unskilled work  they wanted to escape.  Simi-
       larly, for minority  kids downtown,  the  loud  and  raucous  behavior, the
       antics  and  running around  provide the  satisfaction of a symbolic nose-
       thumbing at  the powers-that-be  while  also  convincing store personnel
       and  security that  close monitoring  and  distrust  are well founded and
       should be continued.
          This chapter  has analyzed some of the contextual  factors  shaping the
       ways in which a store is thought about, used, and understood  by children
       like those  from  Newhallville. Shoppers are not  anonymous, historyless
       individuals when they walk in the door,  and  stores  are not  monolithic
       spaces that, many have argued,  affect  all who  enter in predictable ways
       (see, for example, Halton 1992;  Reece 1986;  Williams 1982; Willis 1991).
       In the confrontation  between historically situated people  and socially
       constructed  spaces, people  are reconstructed  as particular  people in that
       space. The attempts  of malls across the nation to selectively inhibit the ac-
       cess of segments of the population  by refusing to  allow public transporta-
       tion to operate  on their property is one way in which mall operators  rec-
       ognize differences  between shoppers as being of great  importance.
         Not  only are people handled and influenced  differentially  when within
       "democratic"  commercial  spaces like malls, but  depending on the  par-
       ticular  place,  the impact  and  results of these incidents can vary widely.
       Newhallville children are  different  kinds  of people  when  they are  in
       Claire's than when they are at Bob's, and the difference  lies in part in the
       ways in which they engage with the social spaces they occupy. It does not
       matter much when kids are at Bob's that they might be poor. There is not
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