Page 168 - Religion in the Media Age Media, Religion & Culture
P. 168

Born-agains and mainstream believers  157

            culture. In spite of the fact that this program has, over the course of its run
            on the air, repeatedly been the object of severe criticism particularly from
            conservative and so-called “pro family” voices in the culture, this family of
            born-again believers rather unproblematically watches it. Our expectations
            about the way such families would relate to television probably would
            have been for particular and focused religious or spiritual meanings and
            values to be brought into play in viewing choices and in reception of televi-
            sion programs. We might ask, with reference to the Millikens, “What is
            essentially ‘religious’ or ‘spiritual’ about their consumption of television?”
            The answer is really “nothing,” and that is interesting. Their “accounts of
            media” are thus less complex and articulated to their faith than we
            expected.
              We might explore some possible reasons why the Millikens don’t apply
            categories of value out of their religious lives directly to the media they
            consume. We saw that Lynn, at least, does not identify strongly with insti-
            tutional or doctrinal authority in her religious and values self-understandings,
            and there is little evidence that those sources mean much for Jay, either.
            Where might a values discourse focused on television emerge from in that
            case? In addition to the possibility that the Millikens might lack the
            “moral compass” we’d expected to find because of their relative distance
            from institutional authority (not forgetting, of course, the evidence that
            such institutional suspicion is a more general feature of contemporary
            Evangelicalism, and thus they may be more typical than we’d prepared
            ourselves to think), there may be another factor. The Millikens seem to be
            rather unfocused and unreflective about their media behaviors. Jay’s
            seeming notion that television viewing is somehow a commonplace
            behavior that is simply “expected” evokes the kind of stereotype
            commonly identified with the label “couch potato.” In order to pursue
                                                         9
            this further, let’s turn to a family that seems on its face to be somewhat
            different from the Millikens in some important ways.


            The Callahan family
            The Callahans are a two-parent family living in the suburbs of a major
            city. Karl, 45, and Dinah, 37, have three children, twins Lisa and Cathy,
               10
            age 8, and young Brent, age four. Karl and Dinah are registered
            Republicans, and readily describe themselves as both politically and reli-
            giously “conservative.” They are a solidly middle-class, two-income
            family, though Dinah works half-time as a registered nurse. They are
            rather emphatic about identifying themselves as born-again Evangelicals,
            though they are in the process of moving from a Presbyterian to a Baptist
            church. “We’re going to a Baptist church – that’s really of secondary
            importance to the overall church offering – but it is a Baptist church,” Karl
            notes.
   163   164   165   166   167   168   169   170   171   172   173