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202  Believers, dogmatists, and secularists

                The broader agreement on the issue of violence was not the only area
              where there was more commonality, either. Nearly all of the families
              expressed the idea of a “hierarchy” of acceptable media that saw the so-
              called “screen” media (with the exception of film for some) as lower in the
              hierarchy than reading or the use of the Internet for information-gathering
              purposes. Among the households we saw here, all but the dogmatists
              seemed to feel that some of the problems with media behavior and content
              are mediated by autonomous choice. Many maintain video libraries and
              talk about those as their major media involvements (though there is much
              evidence that even those households also consume a great deal of out-of-
              home media, too). There was also some agreement among some of the
              households that the problem with the derogated screen media is almost as
              much their impact on time (distracting from more worthy pursuits) as their
              conveyance of values.
                Nearly all the families have a difficult time directly connecting media
              with their religious or spiritual values, beliefs, and behaviors. It is as if
              there is an “account of media” that stipulates those to be contradictory
              realms. Few could easily or facilely talk about media that influenced or
              expressed their faith, religious beliefs, or spirituality. The born-again
              believers and dogmatists had the most to say about media and religion.
              For families in both of those categories, there was a clear and focused
              sense that there  should be clear connections and distinctions between
              media and faith. That did not seem to result in distinctive or necessary
              ways of encountering, using, or interpreting media. Born-again believers,
              for example, eschewed specifically “religious” media, 14  and, as I noted
              earlier, did not make assessments of media that seemed directly significant
              of their beliefs or faith. As I noted, when asked for examples of acceptable
              programming, the typical responses were shows that were merely “inoffen-
              sive” in some way, judgments that were not really different from those
              made by parents in other categories. This aspect of media judgment thus
              seemed to be more related to their roles as parents than to their roles as
              born-again parents.
                We should note, of course, that media other than television were more
              often connected with religion and spirituality for many of our interviewees
              across all five categories. Music seemed to be the media form most often
              mentioned as the most powerfully connected to authentic faith and belief.
              Others mentioned significant films and books. It almost seems that a
              certain level of media behavior is dominated by an orientation to the medi-
              ated common culture through the pervasive media of television, the
              Internet, and (for young people) video gaming. At other levels of articula-
              tion, where deeper and more refined connections are sought or become
              significant, other media forms come to the fore. What is even more
              intriguing is that, even for those households with the most focused reli-
              gious and spiritual sensibilities, media of all of these kinds and on all of
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