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Articulating culture in the media age  87

            cultural order make people do and think. Because we want to bring into
            descriptive definition the way that specific resources from the culture (i.e.
            including in the “symbolic inventory” of media texts, symbols, and
            messages), we want to be able to see how the individual and the sociocul-
            tural interact, and inter-relate in the meaning-making process. The best
            way of describing this is as the  individual seen on the  social level. The
            purpose is not to generalize from these individuals to other individuals, but
            to say how these individuals represent the range of cultural and social
            contexts and influences that have produced them as social and cultural
            beings. My colleagues and I have described the implication of this “shift”
            in focus this way:


               We believe it enabled us to move away from a position in which we
               sought to explore how individuals are relatively close or distant from
               an imagined “core” of society. We could approach each person as a
               “universal singular,” to use Jean-Paul Sartre’s term. Each person’s
               story becomes important, for it is simultaneously the story of a unique
               individual and the embodiment of the social world that has produced
               her or him. 7

            Thus, when we talk with people we open the possibility of learning much
            about the various cultural and social elements that go into making their
            view of the world and their sense of self. This grounding in the self, as I
            noted in an earlier chapter, is the fundamental project of late modernity,
            and a reflexive engagement in that project typifies late-modern social
            consciousness. Thus when we engage people in conversations about these
            things, we can imagine that what they are telling us is a reflexive account
            related in some way to what they actually think about who they are and
            where they fit in the cultures they inhabit.
              My colleagues and I have become convinced that the way the media
            enter into such accounts is itself structured in important ways, ways that are
            rooted in the reflexivity of the late-modern moment. We describe this in
            terms of three “levels of engagement” with the media that we have
            observed in our conversations with our informants.
              The first of these levels is experiences in the media. These are our infor-
            mants’ first-order relations to media texts. They recount the pleasures, the
            irritations, the satisfactions, the boredom, the revulsions, etc., that we all
            express related to the media we encounter. These are familiar to us in rela-
            tion to our own viewing of media. They are also the core of what used to
            be called “uses and gratifications” media research, the reasons and satis-
            factions that people express for the various media they consume. They
            speak to the more direct salience of various kinds of media for various
            needs and interests. Much of this talk relates to specific genres of media. It
            is on this level that viewers and audiences can and do express their most
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