Page 89 - Sport Culture and the Media
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                         of large-scale social, economic and cultural transformations (as occurred in
                         Chapter 1), and also to appreciate the specific ways in which that object is
                         desired or can be made to be or seem desirable.
                           Within the history of capitalist development, the sports media are not
                         essential commodities: they are not vital for the maintenance of life like food,
                         shelter and clothing, or ‘consumer durables’ that preserve food, wash clothes
                         or transport whole families to work and school. Nobody has ever died as a
                         direct result of media sport starvation, although passionate sports fans can do
                         striking impressions of zombies during TV blackouts. Seen in this way, media
                         sports texts are not very useful goods but they are, paradoxically, highly prized.
                         This is so because they exist in an economic environment where, as many goods
                         have become easier to mass produce and standardize, only a relatively small
                         proportion of their total price is attributable to the cost of raw materials,
                         labour and manufacture. Hence, the direct production cost of a compact disc or
                         a dress or a child’s toy can often be measured in pence and cents rather than in
                         multiple pounds and dollars. Where, then, is the value added and capital
                         accumulated? It is, increasingly, not in the material character of objects that
                         can be reassuringly touched and used, but in the immaterial nature of symbolic
                         goods (Hall 1989; Hesmondhalgh 2002). Value in this sense lies in design,
                         appearance and in the capacity to connect different economic processes that
                         exist in a complex interdependence (Hebdige 1989). An extensive and complex
                         theoretical debate (that can only be addressed briefly and synoptically here)
                         has been conducted since the late 1980s over the meaning of this development
                         (see, for example, Harvey 1989; Hirst and Zeitlin 1989; Giddens 1991; Kellner
                         1995; Dunn 1998; Dandaneau 2001). This wide-ranging debate is over such
                         far-reaching and difficult questions as:
                         • Are current circumstances an extension of the same ‘logic’ and process of
                           modernity (which we might call  ‘advanced’,  ‘late’ or  ‘high’) that brought
                           industrialization, liberal democracy, humanism, and so on?
                         • Or have we moved on to a new ‘condition’ called postmodernity in which
                           our social, economic, political and cultural life radically differs from its
                           modernist predecessor?
                         • Has the mass production and consumption ‘regime’ pioneered by Henry Ford
                           in the car industry (Fordism) changed a little (to  neo-Fordism) or been
                           replaced by a new, more targeted, smaller-scale and flexible way of producing
                           and consuming goods and services (post-Fordism)?
                         Posing such questions requires a command of a rather daunting language in
                         which terms like ‘flexible specialization’ and ‘reflexive accumulation’ compete
                         for theoretical and conceptual supremacy. In the context of this book, it is
                         necessary in the first instance only to be armed with the glossary of key terms
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