Page 228 - Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies
P. 228

216 OPENING THE HALLWAY

            resistance of the masses that Baudrillard talks about and that Hall seems to
            have  avoided  in  Baudrillard’s  work.  Baudrillard  (1983)  suggests  that  this
            resistance  is  ‘equivalent  to  sending  back  to  the  system  its  own  logic  by
            doubling it to reflecting like a mirror meaning without absorbing it’. It may
            well be that pleasure is one of the resistances of the masses and that part of
            the function of this pleasure is an attempt to disrupt or refuse the seemingly
            necessary relations of power that ideology requires for the distribution and
            transferral of meaning within social structures.
              Hall seems to find the work of Foucault more problematic than that of
            any  other  postmodernist,  probably  because  he  thinks  it  is  the  most
            significant and most serious. On the face of it Hall and Foucault appear to
            have much in common—their politicized and critically engaged studies of
            how  the  defining  and  controlling  social  forces  of  capitalism  operate  in
            particular  historical  conditions;  their  deeply  felt  conviction  that  Western
            modernity  has  produced  societies  that  are  fundamentally  alienating  and
            inhumane;  and  their  assumption  that  the  raison  d’être  of  socio-cultural
            analysis is to intervene in the object of its study.
              Hall is suspicious that Foucault’s emphasis on the dispersed technologies
            of  power  denies  the  value  of  any  systematic  analysis  of  power  as  a
            structuring principle: He is worried that Foucault’s disconnection of power
            from any class belongingness has taken too far his own and Laclau’s notion
            of  no  necessary  class  belongingness.  He  is  worried,  too,  that  Foucault’s
            shift  of  the  focal  point  of  critical  analysis  away  from  ideology  and
            consciousness  to  power  and  the  body  risks  throwing  out  the  healthy  and
            useful  politics  of  meaning  along  with  the  dirty  bath-water  of  a  ‘grand
            narrative’ theory of ideology. Certainly, Foucault does not find the concept
            of  ideology  necessary  to  his  account  of  the  micro-techologies  by  which
            power  produces  the  docile  body,  and  by  which,  through  disciplining
            individuated  bodies,  it  reaches  to  the  heart  of  the  social  body.  But  the
            ultimate object of Foucault’s theory and analytical method may not be that
            far distanced from Hall’s. For Foucault the normalization of the body and
            its  ways  of  behaving  is  necessarily  part  of  the  normalization  of  the  mind
            and  its  ways  of  knowing/believing.  Foucault’s  theory  of  the  power  of
            discourse to produce truth is operating in the same arena as Hall’s theory of
            the  work  of  representation  to  produce  reality.  The  key  theoretical
            difference between them may be summarized as that between structuralism
            and post-structuralism.
              Although Hall’s work has thoroughly loosened up the overdetermining
            relations  among  the  structuring  forces  of  capitalism,  it  has  not  displaced
            them. He sees clear structural connections between the class interests that
            inform, say, the work of representation in the media and the class interests
            that control the economy, and for him, ideology can only be understood in
            terms  of  these,  and  other,  social  relations:  for  him  ideology  is
            structural. His account of representation is deeply informed by structural
   223   224   225   226   227   228   229   230   231   232   233