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INTRODUCTION 11

            cosmopolitans who are lucky enough to live in the wealthy West…(for)…
            cosmopolitanism  is  the  privilege  of  those  who  can  take  a  secure  nation-
            state for granted’ (9). As he goes on to put it, more polemically, from this
            perspective ‘if patriotism, [as] Samuel Johnson remarked, is the last refuge
            of  a  scoundrel,  so  post-nationalism  and  its  accompanying  disdain  for  the
            nationalist emotions of others, may be the last refuge of the cosmopolitan’
            (ibid.: 11).
              The  continuing  relevance  of  colonial  histories  is  further  emphasized  in
            Hall’s narrative of the formation of the British ‘New Left’, as a precursor
            of cultural studies. According to the accepted history, the development of
            the New Left is usually understood as a peculiarly ‘British’ response to the
            events  of  1956.  Certainly,  without  the  New  Left,  the  shape  of  cultural
            studies would have been very different. But in Hall’s account of this story,
            a key role in the formation of the New Left was played by various (then
            student)  colonial  intellectuals,  who  came  from  outside  Britain,  and  who
            were  connected  to,  but  never  part  of  the  dominant  institutions  of  the
            British left. Perhaps it was precisely the impossibility, for these non-English
            intellectuals, of ever ‘breaking into’ the established and traditional bases of
            the British left that produced the conditions of possibility of the New Left.
            This is a critical point in understanding (and rethinking) the history of both
            the  New  Left  and  ‘British’  cultural  studies.  It  not  only  decentres  its
            ‘Britishness’,  but  also  stresses  the  ‘outside’  forces  which  these  colonial
            intellectuals  represented.  Without  the  history  of  colonial  relations,  these
            ‘outsiders’  would  not  have  been  there,  to  begin  with  (why  study  in
            England?); without the ‘outside’ ideological forces and voices (which were,
            of course, still deeply connected to the culture and society of the colonial
            ‘homeland’),  from  which  to  form  different  positions  in  dialogue  with  the
            traditional  left,  there  would  perhaps  have  been  no  Socialist  Club,  no
            Universities  and  Left  Review,  and  no  British  New  Left.  Of  course,  these
            tentative speculations would need much more thorough historical research,
            to validate them (see Schwarz, 1994, for a preliminary explanation of these
            issues).  However,  Hall’s  story  does  open  up  a  quite  new  and  different
            perspective on the history of the New Left, as well as the history of cultural
            studies—a  perspective  from  which  it  is  much  less  simply  a  ‘British’  story
            and rather more an international(ist) one, from its very beginnings.
              What also emerges in the interview, is the central figure of the ‘diaspora’
            in the context of the problematics of race and ethnicity. Hall’s recent work
            on  these  issues  can  be  seen  as  continuous  with  a  long  thread  of  concern
            with  the  politics  of  ‘race’,  and  with  the  mobilization  of  racial  tropes  and
            imagery, as central to the emergence of the authoritarian forms of populism,
            promulgated  by  Conservative  ‘law  and  order’  campaigns,  from  the
            mid-1970s onwards, in Britain. Graduate students and staff at the Centre
            for Contemporary Cultural Studies initially became involved in these issues
            in the wake of the mobilization of a moral panic concerning teenage street
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