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The Next Economics: CiviceSocial Capitalism Chapter j 11 213


             It is important to understand that neither all existing economic philosophies
             and theories nor are the accomplishments of neoclassical economics in solving
             other industrial and business problems dismissed. Nonetheless, a full discus-
             sion is necessary.
                Neoclassical economics and its conventional contemporary proponents that
             are derived from a particular economic philosophy are not appropriate for the
             energy and many other infrastructure sectors. Furthermore, there are other
             economic philosophical paradigms that lead to very different economic prin-
             ciples and rules (Clark and Fast, 2008). In short, the explanation of economic
             issues surrounding the electricity industry require new tools, frameworks
             models based upon a different social science philosophical paradigm. It is this
             paradigm, called “interactionism,” discussed by Clark and Fast (2008), which
             is framed by the civic market theory.
                Interactionism is, in short, the theory that because people (actors) interact
             in specific situations (everyday behavior such as business), companies and
             their behaviors are better understood. The decisions of business actors does not
             depend on numbers, figures, and statistics alone. Instead, business people form
             strategies and plans, such as deregulation public policy, knowing that they can
             maneuver the newly formed markets. A key component in understanding
             business in the interactionism paradigm is to also know, influence, or control
             the role of government. Much has been written on this subject, but the
             “invisible hand” of government needs to be influenced to do as business wants
             it to do.
                Economists want to be scientific and therefore ignore this influence over
             government. Instead, they tend to think that the use of statistics and numbers
             place them above the interaction between people. Economists see themselves
             akin to the hard and natural sciences. There is almost a sense in economics that
             if the field is not scientific (e.g., statistical or numbers oriented) then it is not
             professional. For most economists, however, the perspective and view or
             definition of what science is and does bears little proof in reality (Blumer,
             1969).
                Science is not a simple matter of statistics or numbers (Perkins, 1996).
             Although some field or qualitative studies have been conducted, especially on
             productivity, economists remain steadfast in their belief that fieldwork is the
             main research area for sociologists and journalists. Yet, the need to explore the
             “productivity paradox” as Nobel Laureate, Robert Solow, called it in 1987,
             promoted statistical research in the 1990s only to crash-land with the explosive
             truths behind the “productivity miracle” of that decade by the turn of the next
             century.
                Clearly statistics did not tell the “truth” about productivity in the 1990s.
             The popular journal, The Economist (see The Economist issues 1998e2002),
             often tries to “sugarcoat” or marginalize the accounting scandals of CEOs,
             major American corporations, corporate governance, and bankruptcies in
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