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            actors do not themselves feel that they can change “the rules,” and at the same
            time, stabile group relations give some advantages.
               The organizing should be seen in relation to the extent of the actors’
            involvement in more or less involvement to keep or to change the rules.
            Organizational changes are the actors’ change of the rules or their change of
            attitudes toward them. The actors solve problems with developed definitions
            and take actions in relation to the dominant views of reality. They act ratio-
            nally and logically according to their understanding and interpretation. Ra-
            tionality should therefore be understood as a social construction in itself and as
            a social product rather than action guiding rules for organizational life. It is a
            symbolic product, constructed by actions depending on the actors’ moving
            picture of reality and interaction. That is, the structuring of organizational
            interactions requires members to rely upon shared but largely tacit background
            knowledge that is embodied in an organizational paradigm (Brown, 1978,
            p. 374; Garfinkel, 1967). Rationality as well as the definition of “problems,”
            “situation,” “leadership,” and so on, are afforded by the dominant moving
            picture of reality.
               Interaction between actors in a situation allows for many different
            interpretations whereby the actors are facing multiple realities. The interaction
            between different opinions means that new conceptions may arise. The reality
            is seen differently, which produces changes. Brown states that the organiza-
            tional change could be seen as an analogy with scientific change (see also
            Imershein, 1977):
               .most of what goes on in organizations, involves practical as well as formal
               knowledge. That is, the relevant knowledge is often a matter of application, such
               as how to employ the official procedures and when to invoke the formal
               description of those procedures, rather than abstract knowledge of the formal
               procedures themselves. Paradigms, in other words, may be understood not only
               as formal rules of thought, but also as rhetoric and practices in use.
                                                           Brown (1978, p. 373).
               Bartunek (1984, p. 355) talks about an organizational paradigm as inter-
            pretive schemes (with references to Schutz and Giddens), which describes the
            cognitive schemata that map our experience of the world through identifying
            both its relevant aspects and how we are to understand them. Interpretive
            schemes operate as shared, fundamental (though often implicit) assumptions
            about why events happen as they do and how people are to act in different
            situations.
               The essence of all this is that the meaning people create in their everyday
            reality gives the understanding of why people are like they are, which can be
            seen in their interaction and intersubjectivity, including their common
            interpretations, expectations, and typifications. As long as organizational actors
            act as typical members, they tend to take the official system of typification for
            granted as well as the accompanying set of recipes that help them define their
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