Page 171 - The Making of the German Post-war Economy
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144   THE MAKING OF THE GERMAN POST-WAR ECONOMY

           form of  socialism limiting personal freedom,  this contest assumed the
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           form of a cultural conflict for all intents and purposes.  Once the Union
           parties  occupied the field of  socially oriented economic competence, it
           became difficult for the SPD to respond adequately. Instead of providing
           a viable economic alternative, Schumacher lapsed into anchorless
           destructive criticism of Erhard’s economic policy. Whereas the latter could
           legitimately claim credit for a constructive approach leading to economic
           recovery, the aggressive class struggle polemic of the leader of the German
           Social Democratic Party was increasingly perceived as obstructive to the
           growing prosperity.  Thus Kurt Schumacher forfeited public favour –
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           whereas in October 1948 he had been regarded as the most competent
           politician, by March of the following year, the public preferred Konrad
           Adenauer  – and the SPD lost votes among its former natural
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           supporters.  At  the  same time, the CDU/CSU increased their share of
           votes among their target groups, namely refugees who had mainly voted
           for the SPD in previous elections, and women who would have realised
           the economic improvement soonest. As a matter of fact, 33 per cent of
           the former opted for the Union  parties and 29 per cent for the SPD
           whereas among locals the percentages were exactly the other way round.
           Similar was the relative voting behaviour of women: whereas 41 per cent
           of all eligible female voters casted a ballot for the CDU/CSU and only 24
           per cent for the SPD, conversely 21 per cent of all men gave their vote to
           the Union parties and 34 per cent to the Social Democrats.  Indeed, the
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           CDU/CSU was increasingly  identified with  the economic and social
           recovery which assured many Germans to vote for the union parties, but
           the Union also fought more deeply for the public acceptance of its
           economic model in the battle to choose such a model for post-war West
           Germany. In abstaining from issuing  merely dogmatic, ideological
           programme statements that appealed to the party’s most faithful members
           and a narrow segment  of  society, the CDU/CSU rather formed and
           projected a party image that effectively attracted votes from varied
           sociological groups.
             After a relatively successful campaign in  the run-up to the federal
           elections dominated  by economic policy, the  political parties which  had
           campaigned for a common  socio-political and economic  programme,
           namely the CDU, the CSU, and the FDP, formed a bourgeois coalition to
           serve as West Germany’s first democratically elected federal government.
           Given a favourable  party ratio with  the help of the DP, which had
           received 4 per cent of the votes corresponding to 17 mandates, and also
           due to fundamental ideological differences, an alliance with the SPD was
           not seriously considered.  By a majority of a single vote (202 out of 402
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           seats), namely his own, Konrad Adenauer (CDU) was eventually invested
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